Conflict in Cities -Briefing Paper 9- 'Coping with Conflict' (original) (raw)
Violent infrastructures, places of conflict: Urban order in divided cities
The Sage Handbook of Urban Sociology: New approaches to the twenty-first century city, 2018
Despite the optimism of early 2011, by autumn the Egyptian Arab Spring had turned darker. For the revolutionaries based in Cairo's Tahrir Square (Figure 20.1), the reverie of the early months had given way to frequent violence and the realisation that this was to be a protracted struggle not easily won. In the acclaimed film 'The Square' (Al-Maidan 2013), which documents the events of the Egyptian Revolution through the eyes of activists from 2011 to 2013, one of the key figures states there is now 'war in the Square, not revolution'. It is a critical distinction not all Cairenes would have perceived or been sympathetic to, having believed that war was evident right from the early days. The activists had become attached to the Square and, through it, believed not only that they were able to feel the pulse of the city, but that 'whoever holds the Square holds power'. 2 Tahrir Square was fought over and occupied by the revolutionaries, the military and the Muslim Brotherhood with periods of heavy violence and relative quiet, all within the complexity of a three-way struggle to preserve or gain power. Filmed by Jehane Noujaim and her crew and some of the activists, 'The Square' depicts the close interfaces within the needs of everyday life, waging of political activism, and hostile clashes with the authorities. The setting of Tahrir Square and its surrounding streets depicts an urban backdrop so common and familiar that it evokes a sense that this violence could arrive on the doorstep of almost any city. During the two years portrayed in the film, Cairo slips repeatedly in and out of violence. Everyday locations and objects are conscripted into places of mass demonstration and protest, barricades, strategic viewing points, discussion groups, places of prayer, soup kitchens, first aid stations, hospitals. Alliances and associations are formed and broken. Yet to a good extent, urban life-working, meeting, shopping, being at home, being in the city-goes on in all of its expected and quotidian ways. Conflict was integral to the revolution and today the Square retains the memory and symbolic associations that represent dissatisfaction with the country's leadership and the
Peacebuilding , 2023
This special issue explores geographies of peace in violently contested cities – cities where the socio-political order is contested by actors who use violence and repression to either challenge or reinforce the prevailing distribution of power and political, economic, and social control. The articles within the special issue theorise and explore where, when, how, and why urban conflicts manifest themselves in the context of contested cities. Together, they also uncover strategies and mechanisms that can break dynamics of violence and repression, lead to urban coexistence, and generate peaceful relations in cities, grounding their analyses in rich case studies of different violently contested cities. The special issue thereby advances the research front on violently contested cities by studying their previously underexplored constructive potential. Bringing together different disciplinary perspectives, the special issue speaks to broader issues of conflicted and conflict-driven urbanisation, political violence in cities, and wider processes of urban change.
2000
Cities have always been arenas of social and sym- bolic conflict. As places of encounter between dif- ferent classes, ethnic groups, and lifestyles, cities play the role of powerful integrators; yet on the other hand urban contexts are the ideal setting for marginalization and violence. The struggle over control of urban spaces is an ambivalent mode of sociation: while producing
The Thorny Road to Sustainable Peace: the mutation of violence in post-conflict cities
2000
This paper seeks to understand the dynamics of post-conflict/post-major political transition violence in cities. It examines the transformation of violence in these cities from violence associated with protracted warfare and prolonged civil strife into new forms. The paper argues that post-conflict societies in general and cities in particular do not move from conflict and war into peace and normality in
Divided cities are defined by a violent conflict of ethnonationalism and characterized by semi-permanent ethnic cleavages, high levels of endogamy and social segregation. Yet the perception that divided cities are wholly framed by the politics of ethnic homogeneity is challenged by a number of its citizens who refuse to be interminably circumscribed by ethnic politics. These 'actors' mobilize in social movements that promote non-sectarian politics and identities. They also include the protests of environmentalists, trade unionists and the celebrations of gay groupings. This article critically explores how such urban social movements may help ameliorate or contest the politics of ethnic antagonism in divided cities. It explores this issue in the context of debates regarding peacebuilding projects in divided cities, especially those that promote accommodative solutions to ethnic conflict, and shows how social movement mobilization may augment political power sharing. Focusing on non-sectarian social movement mobilization in Belfast, Northern Ireland, the article critically analyses movements in three ways: creating intercommunal networks; fostering a public sphere of debate; and challenging the programmed uses of segregated space. Divided cities and social movements At the very fault line of competing national projects, violently divided cities are not mere reflections of wider regional geopolitics; they are often the very ground upon which ethnonational conflicts emerge and are sustained in the long term (Friedland and Hecht, 1998). Cities such as Belfast, Beirut and Mostar are characterized by a violent conflict of national self-determination over the wider state, underpinning the fissure between ethnic groups. For these reasons, civic and social life tends to occur within, rather than across ethnic cleavages and elections resemble ethnic censuses. This division is reinforced by historically embedded patterns of social segregation and endogamy, meaning that levels of intergroup distrust are high, economic growth is generally low and group boundaries are sharp enough so that 'membership is clear and, with few exceptions, unchangeable' (Lustick, 1979: 325). Yet, while it is tempting to view ethnic groups in divided cities as homogenous actors, always existing ex ante before major outbreaks of persistent violence, and ethnic identity
The spatiality of violence in post-war cities
Third World Thematics: A TWQ Journal, 2019
The world is urbanising rapidly and cities are increasingly held as the most important arenas for sustainable development. Cities emerging from war are no exception, but across the globe, many postwar cities are ravaged by residual or renewed violence, which threatens progress towards peace and stability. This collection of articles addresses why such violence happens, where and how it manifests, and how it can be prevented. It includes contributions that are informed by both postwar logics and urban particularities, that take intra-city dynamics into account, and that adopt a spatial analysis of the city. By bringing together contributions from different disciplinary backgrounds, all addressing the single issue of postwar violence in cities from a spatial perspective, the articles make a threefold contribution to the research agenda on violence in postwar cities. First, the articles nuance our understanding of the causes and forms of the uneven spatial distribution of violence, insecurities, and trauma within and across postwar cities. Second, the articles demonstrate how urban planning and the built environment shape and generate different forms of violence in postwar cities. Third, the articles explore the challenges, opportunities, and potential unintended consequences of conflict resolution in violent urban settings.
Urban Warfare: Stabilisation of Cities
Stabilising the Contemporary Middle East and North Africa, 2019
Comolli discusses the challenges that are specific to stabilisation efforts in cities. She relies on international lessons from past conflict and post-conflict situations which are of relevance for the Middle East. Building on an overview of demographic and urbanisation trends and on a discussion of urban warfare, the author argues that given the multifaceted challenges presented by urban conflict and post-conflict scenarios military or security interventions on their own are insufficient. Instead, conflict cities would benefit from ‘area-based’ approaches. The latter involve targeting aid and other interventions to promote the recovery of specific areas such as building public services in a given neighbourhood. Crucially, this approach rests on greater participation by local communities in defining priorities and strategies.