PRESIDENT MUGABE.docx (original) (raw)

Robert Mugabe against All Odds: A Historical Discourse of a Successful Life President?

In Africa, the concept of leadership and rulership was nurtured by the traditional beliefs in which chiefs or kings ruled until death. The role to lead a political and geographical space was seen as a gift from the gods or God. Challenging the legality of a king was seen as challenging God’s or the gods’ choice hence it was an abomination. It is within this context that Mugabe and the Zimbabwean case must be view-being a microcosm of African larger complex socio-cultural, historical and political reality. Despite all efforts to oust the regime of Mugabe and the institution of economic sanctions on Zimbabwe, the crisis failed to be a mobilizing foundation for the civil unrest and the ouster of Mugabe. It also failed to garner total support for the opposition that would result in a total electoral victory that would end Mugabe’s rule. The main focus of this article is to provide a historical discourse on how Mugabe has successfully defied all internal and external machinations to oust him from power.

Re/membering Robert Gabriel Mugabe: Politics, Legacy, Philosophy, Life and Death

Re/membering Robert Gabriel Mugabe: Politics, Legacy, Philosophy, Life and Death., 2021

This is an introduction to the book titled “Re/membering Robert Gabriel Mugabe: Politics, Legacy, Philosophy, Life and Death”. The publication serves as an alternative to the narrow pro-Western capital imaginations of Mugabe which were born out of purely Western colonial vendettas for Zimbabwe’s land reform programme. Zimbabwe’s postindependence economic indigenisation policies internationalised Mugabe’s villain construction as a lawless African despot with no respect for property rights. As a response, this book assesses Robert Mugabe’s leadership milestones and inadequacies within the context of the African liberation agenda including the ideations of Black empowerment championed in the Mugabe era.

Robert Gabriel Mugabe And The Battles To Free Southern Africa

It was a shock to hear of the death of former Zimbabwe President Mugabe at his hospital retreat in Singapore. His death was no great surprise as he had been suffering for several years from a recurring complaint which required regular treatment at the Singapore clinic. He was 95 years of age so this, too, was not surprising. The shock was the finality of his passing. However, what has been more shocking than his death has been the commentary in the world press on his life and efforts which pictures Mugabe as some sort of illegitimate villain who terrorised Zimbabwe for the thirty-seven years of his rule. This is not a truthful picture of his life and works. It demonstrates a serious lack of knowledge of the forces which shaped his policies and a woeful ignorance of the realities of Zimbabwe's' place in the Pan-African struggle to free Southern Africa.

Life after Mugabe(ism): the Legitimacy of Mugabeism in Contemporary Zimbabwe

This paper questions the legitimacy of Mugabeism in contemporary International Relations (IR). It aims to form part of an answer to the question of what Zimbabwe will look like when Mugabe is no longer at the helm. It presents the argument that contemporary Zimbabwe operates within a postcolonial context and that Mugabeism must accept and adapt to this ‘new Zimbabwe’, where isolation from the West and from external influences is no longer feasible. The paper argues that Zimbabwean identity is fluid and responds to both internal and external pressures, something which Mugabeism does not fully recognise. Therefore, in view of recent trends (among these the proliferation of communication technology and social media; the emergence of a global civil society; the size and influence of Zimbabwe’s diaspora), Mugabeism has to learn to embrace the ‘other’ (which is often referred to as the West, people living in the West and those ideas which are identified with the West), evolve and adapt in order to be legitimate in contemporary IR. This will place Zimbabwe in a position where it is able to contribute to, as well as benefit from the international system, instead of remaining a pariah.

MUGABE FINAL DISSERTATION final

ABSTRACT This study is an appraisal of Mugabeism in the context of Zimbabwe’s foreign policy towards the West from 2000 up to 2017. It should be acknowledged that Mugabe as the head of government was the chief formulator and articulator of Zimbabwe’s foreign policy. It can be noted that post-independence Zimbabwe enjoyed cordial relations with the West, receiving budget supplements and development partnerships. The souring of relations with the West only occurred towards the end of the 20th century when in 1997 Tony Blair’s Labour Party took over the reins of government from John Major. Britain’s refusal to honour its commitments stipulated in the Lancaster House Agreements with regards to funding land expropriation led to the Third Chimurenga and the Fast Track Land Reform Programme (FTLRP). That coupled by the problematic parliamentary elections in 2000 and the controversial presidential poll of 2002 led to Zimbabwe’s ostracization and sanctions by the US, UK, EU and other Western Powers. In 2002 Zimbabwe was suspended from the Commonwealth and subsequently withdrew from the association in 2003, shifting its diplomatic efforts to the East. This study analyses Mugabeism in Zimbabwe’s foreign policy and ascertains the logic behind Zimbabwe’s foreign policy towards the West.

Mugabe, Mbeki & the politics of anti-imperialism

Review of African Political Economy, 2004

There can be little doubt that one of the most significant aspects of the current crisis in Zimbabwe, especially the events of the past two or three years, has been its international character. At the heart of President Robert Mugabe's offensive against the array of forces opposed to his rule are repeated attempts to place the Zimbabwe problem at the centre of a larger anti-imperialist and Pan-African position. These tactics have been crucial to the process of legitimising the recent actions of ZANU-PF, in power since independence in 1980. The land question in particular has been located within a discourse of legitimate redress for colonial injustice, language which has resonated on the African continent, and within the Third World more generally. Knowing that his authoritarian rule would be confronted with a widespread national and international critique centred on property rights, human rights and the rule of law, Mugabe and his advisors constructed alternative discourses around the need for renewed liberation struggle solidarity, the continuing effects of African marginalisation attendant on the globalisation process, and the presumptions of liberal imperialism. Behind this rhetorical shield, the ZANU-PF government has effectively suspended the rule of law as it attempts to bludgeon its opponents into silence. In doing so, it has enjoyed the support provided by the so-called 'quiet diplomacy' and 'constructive engagement' of other Southern and Central African governments.

Mugabe, The Land, And Neo-Colonialism: The Pragmatism Of An African Benevolent Dictator

IOSR Journal Of Humanities And Social Science (IOSR-JHSS), 2023

Notwithstanding Popular Perceptions About Robert Mugabe’s 38-Year Autocratic Rule As The President Of Zimbabwe (1980-2017), His Pan-African Philosophy On Land Reclamation From White Colonial Settlers Has Received National And International Considerations. At The Heart Of Mugabe’s Pan-African Philosophy Was The Belief That Land Repossession Is Both A Biblical As Well As A Traditional Struggle Worth Dying For. Skeptics Of Mugabe’s Ideology Point At His Authoritarian Leadership As Suggesting That Political Survival And Not The Empowerment Of The Zimbabwean People Motivated His Philosophy (Langan 2018). We Argue In This Article That The African Political Philosophies Of William Dubois’ Pan Africanism, Kwame Nkrumah’s African Nationalism, Julius Nyerere’s Ujamaa, Kenneth Kaunda’s African Humanism, Steve Biko’s Black Consciousness, And Many Other Pan-African Thinkers, Find Their Pragmatic Significance In Mugabe’s Philosophy Of Land Expropriation Without Compensation Carried Out In Zimbabwe Since The Year 2000. This Article Interrogates The Utility Of Using A Benevolent Dictator Leadership Style To Drive Pan-Africanism And A Neocolonial Agenda Within The Continent Of Africa In Contradistinction To Western Democratic Practices. It Puts To Test The Question; What Should Come First, Economic Development Or Political Liberalization In The Context Of Africa? The Idea Of Africa Cannot Be Articulated Without Repossessing The Rich Ancestral Land Currently In The Hands Of Foreigners In Most African Countries. The Article Supports The Thesis That; Just Like Africa’s Independence From Colonial Rule Came Through A Protracted War Of Liberation, Neo-Colonial Independence Must Of Necessity Demand A Pragmatic Revolutionary Approach. It Further Asserts That The Neo-Colonialist Will Not Likely Offer Social, Cultural, Economic, And Political Independence On A Silver Platter As Africa Remains A Fertile Source Of Their Cheap Raw Materials And Labor.