“Urban Poverty in the Roman Empire: Material Conditions”, in Tom Blanton and Ray Pickett (eds), Paul and Economics. Fortress Press, 2017: 23-56. (original) (raw)

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DOI: 10.2307/j.ctt1kgqtgr.7

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References (111)

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  18. Scheidel and Friesen, "The Size of the Economy," 83; Clark and Haswell, The Economics of Subsistence Agriculture, 64-5. Data from the Auschwitz Concentration Camp also indicate that c.1,700 calories per day for those engaged in hard labor and c.1,300 calories per day for the others are dangerous starvation level rations.
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  50. Powell, Galen on the Properties of Foodstuffs, 56. For fodder as food in time of dearth, see also Paul Erdkamp, The Grain Market in the Roman Empire: A Social, Political and Economic Study (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 149. less varied than a rural diet. 91 But any diet that is heavily reliant on cereals has at least two issues. The first is that the consumption of this fiber-rich food, which also contains phytate, may interfere with absorption of iron and other nutrients. The second is that although wheat contains protein and a rich array of vitamins, it is deficient in vitamins A, C, D, and B 12 . 92 A diet that is composed of predominantly cereals and little else could easily result in eye diseases, rickets, and so on. The redress relies on diversifying the basket of food. Papyrological materials point to the availability of various inexpensive legumes, including lentils, beans, chick-peas, flat beans, fenugreek, lupines, arakos, and so on even for the poor. 93 In Roman Palestine, fruits and vegetables included legumes, olives, grapes, figs, dates, beets, cabbages, and squashes. 94 Root crops may have played an important role in the survival of the poor. 95 The nutritious values of these vegetables and fruits vary. 96 More importantly, their availability in most of the regions in the Roman Empire was subject to seasonal fluctuations. Fermented, cured, pickled, and dried goods were created for off-season consumption and for food that spoils easily. 97 Robert Allen has envisioned a "Mediterranean respectability basket" (per year), which is composed of bread (182 kg), beans/peas (52 l), meat (26 kg), olive oil (5.2 l), cheese (5.2 kg), eggs (52 91 Paul Erdkamp, "The Food Supply of the Capital," idem (ed), The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Rome (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 262.
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  66. Meggitt, Paul, Poverty and Survival, 109-12.
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  71. Annalisa Marzano, Harvesting the Sea: The Exploitation of Marine Resources in the Roman Mediterranean (Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2013), 300.
  72. Strabo, 5.3.7; Vitruvius, De Architectura 2.8.17; Pliny, NH 35.173. Fire: Tac., Ann. 15.38; Suet., Ner. 6.38; Juv., Sat. 3; Mart., Epigramma 7.61. Scobie, "Slums, Sanitation and Mortality," 405-6, 427; van den Bergh, "The plight of the poor urban tenant," 467;
  73. Gregory S. Aldrete, Floods of the Tiber in Ancient Rome (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2006), 106; Morley, "The Salubriuosness of the Roman City," 195-98.
  74. Koloski-Ostrow, The Archaeology of Sanitation in Roman Italy, 19, 82.
  75. For classic treatment, see Bruce W. Frier, Landlords and Tenants in Imperial Rome (Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 1980).
  76. van den Bergh, "The plight of the poor urban tenant," 453.
  77. M. Flohr, "Working and living under one roof: workshops in Pompeian atrium houses," in A. Anguissola (ed.), Privata Luxuria: Towards an Archaeology of Intimacy. München, 2012), 51-72.
  78. Rick Jones and Damian Robinson, "Intensification, Heterogeneity and Power in the Development of insula VI.1 389," John J. Dobbins and Pedar W. Foss (eds), The World of Pompeii (London: Routledge, 2007), 397.
  79. Emma-Jayne Graham, The Burial of the Urban Poor in Italy in the Late Roman Republic and Early Empire (Oxford: Archaeopress, 2006), 63-84, 111.
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  81. R. F. J. Jones, "Rules for the Living and the Dead: Funerary Practice and Social Organisation," in M. Struck (ed), Römerzeitliche Gräber als Quellen zu Religion, Bevölkerungsstruktur und Sozialgeschichte (Mainz, Institut für Vor-und Frühgeschichte, Universität Mainz, 1993), 247-54.
  82. D. Borbonus, Columbarium Tombs and Collective Identity in Augustan Rome (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2014).
  83. John Bodel, "From Columbaria to Catacombs: Communities of the Dead in Pagan and Christian Rome," in Brink and Greene (eds), Commemorating the Dead, 180. Cf. Hope, Death in Ancient Rome, 132.
  84. Denis Berchem, Les distributions de blé et d'argent à la plèbe romaine sous l'Empire (New York: Arno Press, 1975);
  85. Peter Garnsey, Famine and Food Supply in the Graeco- Roman World: Responses to Risk and Crisis (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 265; C. Machado, "The Epigraphy of the plebs frumentaria," JRA 25 (2012), 599- 602.
  86. Walter Scheidel, "Real Wages in Early Economies," 427-36.
  87. E.g., 75 denarii in 44 BC, 100 denarii in 29 BC, 24 BC, and 12 BC respectively, 60 denarii in 5 BC and 2 BC respectively, 75 denarii, 13 AD, 65 denarii in 15 AD, 75 denarii in 17 AD, 60 denarii in 20 AD, 23 AD respectively; two distributions at the rate of 75 denarii in 37 AD. Cf. Greg Rowe, Princes and Political Cultures: The New Tiberian Senatorial Decrees (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2002), 87; Peter M. Swan, The Augustan Succession: An Historical Commentary on Cassius Dio's Roman History, Books 55-56 (9 B.C.-A.D. 14) (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), 365-66.
  88. P.Oxy. XL 2892-2940, 2941-2942;
  89. W. Chr. 425; Eusebius, HE 7. 21. Richard Alston, "Trade and the City in Roman Egypt," in Helen Parkins and Christopher J. Smith (eds.),
  90. P. Oxy. II.281 (20-50 AD);
  91. Judith Evans Grubbs, Women and the Law in the Roman Empire: A Sourcebook on Marriage, Divorce and Widowhood (London: Routledge, 2002), 212.
  92. Cf. Tryphon as debtor: P. Oxy. II 304, 318, and 320; as creditor: P. Oxy. II 269, 319. Loans and repayments made by Pausiris Jr.: P.Mich. inv. 84-92 (AD 73-74). D. Rathbone, and P. Temin, "Financial Intermediation in First-Century AD Rome and Eighteenth-Century England," in K. Verboven, Katelijn Vandorpe, and V. Chankowski (eds.), Pistoi Dia Tèn Technèn: Bankers, Loans, and Archives in the Ancient World: Studies in Honour of Raymond Bogaert (Leuven: Peeters, 2008), 417.
  93. P.Mich. III. 171
  94. For fostering by relatives, see Paul Veyne, "The Roman Empire," in idem (ed.), From Pagan Rome to Byzantium, Vol. I. of Philippe Ariès and Georges Duby. A History of Private Life (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1987), 10. 175 Lucian was apprenticed to his uncle (Somn. 1-5);
  95. P.Wisc. I. 4; P. Oxy. II 275. Liu, "Work, Group Membership, Trust Networks, and Social Capital: A Critical Analysis," forthcoming.
  96. Seneca, Controv. 10.4.16; Hin, "Family Matters," 110; Parkin, Poverty in the Early Roman Empire, 161, footnote 787; Judith Evans Grubbs, "Infant Exposure and Infanticide," in Judith Evans Grubbs and Tim Parkin (eds.), Oxford Handbook of Childhood and Education (Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press, 2013);
  97. Rebecca Gowland, A. Chamberlain, and R. C. Redfern, "On the Brink of Being: Re-evaluatng Infanticide and Infant Burial in Roman Britain," in Maureen Carroll (ed), Infant Health and Death in Roman Italy and Beyond (Portsmouth, RI: Journal of Roman Archaeology, 2014). Cf. C. Patterson, "'Not Worth the Rearing': the Causes of Infant Exposure in Ancient Greece," TAPA 115 (1985): 103-23. Gender preference: Artemidorus, Oneirocritica I.15; P.Oxy. IV.744; Bagnall and Frier, The Demography of Roman Egypt, 151-53.
  98. Saskia Hin, "Family matters: fertility and its constraints in Roman Italy,",in Holleran and Pudsey (eds.), Demography and the Graeco-Roman World: New Insights and Approaches, 111; see also Sabine R. Huebner, The Family in Roman Egypt: A Comparative Approach to Intergenerational Solidarity and Conflict (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 59.
  99. Thomas W. Merrick, "Population and Poverty: New Views on an Old Controversy," International Family Planning Perspectives 28.1 (2002): 41-46
  100. Silver, "Roman Economic Growth and Living Standards," 234-35.
  101. Bagnall and Frier, The Demography of Roman Egypt, 150-51.
  102. Dominic Rathbone, "Poverty and population in Roman Egypt," in Atkins and Osborne (eds.), Poverty in the Roman World, 100-14.
  103. Morley, Metropolis and Hinterland 39-54;
  104. Walter Scheidel, "Progress and Problems in Roman Demography," in idem (ed), Debating Roman Demography (Leiden: Brill, 2001), 31-2; idem, "Disease and Death," 55-6; Hin, The Demography of Roman Italy, 221-28. prices for urban goods, urban amenities, to ethnic groups elsewhere or "push" factors such as population growth, dispossession, and falling grain prices in the countryside. 186 Lacking the resources to move, however, the very poor may have been less mobile than "the moderately prosperous households." 187 Nor did moving to the cities necessarily lead to a more promising life. Supported by comparative materials from the developing world, Holleran has argued that in the case of Rome, the immigrants tended to be trapped in absolute poverty, and that migration had a negative impact upon the employment market, which did not help with increasing wage levels. 188 Yet, led by (often false) perceptions of opportunities, immigrants may still move to the urbs. 189 Joining the army may also be a way out of poverty. In Aquileia, a nicely carved epitaph marking a decently sized tomb commemorated a navy veteran, who said he was born in deepest poverty (natus summa in pauperie). 190 The recruitment of soldiers, however, did not target the poorest segment of the population. As M. Speidel has reminded us, Tacitus' references to the soldiers as mostly from "the destitute and the vagrant" (inopes ac vagi) may have been a projection of his aristocratic prejudice. 191
  105. R. Geraghty, "The Impact of Globalisation in the Roman Empire, 200 BC-AD 100," Journal of Economic History 67 (2007), 1036-61; for a good summary of these debates, see Holleran, "Migration and the urban economy of Rome," 155-63; Hin, The Demography of Roman Italy, 215-21.
  106. Erdkamp, "Seasonal Labour and Rural-Urban Migration in Roman Italy," 37.
  107. Holleran, "Migration and the urban economy of Rome," 175-80.
  108. Holleran, "Migration and the urban economy of Rome," 177-78; Erdkamp, "Seasonal Labour and Rural-Urban Migration in Roman Italy," 33-49;
  109. Bertrand, "Food distributions and immigrations in Imperial Rome," 50-71.
  110. CIL V. 938 = ILS 2905 (Aquileia).
  111. Tac., Ann. 4.4; M. A. Speidel, "Das römische Heer als Kulturträger," in idem, Heer Und Herrschaft Im Römischen Reich Der Hohen Kaiserzeit. (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 2009), 530 with note 82.