Russian soft power in Ukraine: A structural perspective (original) (raw)

'Forced to Friendship'? Russian (Mis-)Understandings of Soft Power and the Implications for Audience Attraction in Ukraine

This article argues that for all its efforts to implement soft power techniques, the Kremlin still fails to grasp the subtle, voluntaristic essence of soft power. This is reflected in a style of public interaction that has practical implications for how Russian soft power overtures are received by the audience. This is demonstrated through the findings of mixed-method empirical research from four Ukrainian regions. Thus, while surveys show that the worldview promoted by Russian public diplomacy resonates to some extent, insights from focus groups indicate that potential attraction is nevertheless limited by Russia's 'hard' and obtrusive approach to cultural influence.

A Ghost in the Mirror: Russian Soft Power in Ukraine The Aims and Means of Russian Influence Abroad Series A Ghost in the Mirror: Russian Soft Power in Ukraine

points z z For Russia, maintaining influence over Ukraine is more than a foreign policy priority; it is an existential imperative. Many in Russia's political elite perceive Ukraine as part of their country's own identity. z z Russia's socioeconomic model limits its capacity to act as a pole of attraction for Ukraine. As a result, Russia relies on its national myths to devise narratives and projects intended to bind Ukraine in a 'common future' with Russia and other post-Soviet states. z z These narratives are translated into influence in Ukraine through channels such as the Russian Orthodox Church, the mass media, formal and informal business networks, and non-governmental organizations. z z Russia also achieves influence in Ukraine by mobilizing constituencies around politically sensitive issues such as language policy and shared cultural and historical legacies. This depends heavily on symbolic resources and a deep but often clumsy engagement in local identity politics. z z Russia's soft power project with regard to Ukraine emphasizes cultural and linguistic boundaries over civic identities, which is ultimately a burden for both countries.

Roots of Russian Soft Power: Rethinking Russian National Identity

Comparative Politics Russia

The end of the Cold War heralded a new era as Western soft power was at its zenith in Eastern Europe and regional states accepted and institutionalized a new Euro-American ethos. In contrast, Russian soft power was at its lowest point as the Soviet Union imploded, leaving fi fteen newly independent states. While Russia was still the most powerful nation in the region, it lacked competence to deploy soft power and was unable to culturally infl uence its neighbors. Russia had to regain its footing and sought to redefi ne its own national identity prior to being able to build and project its soft power. Thus, Russia turned inward to nineteenth century works in philosophy and literature while Western soft power and expansionism continued to draw closer to Russia's borders. As Moscow regrouped, it created institutions to spread its message both regionally and globally and expanded its communication prowess. Russia realized that while its national identity might be grounded within its Slavic roots and Russian exceptionalism, the only way it could effectively counter Western soft power was to point out the hypocrisy of American and European governmental policies. Rather than generating a positive projection of cultural and political attractiveness, Russia fought the spread Euro-American soft power by directly challenging it and showed that the Western political ethos ultimately was selfcontradictory and also worked to destroy traditional values.

Soft and Hard Power, or the Problem of Russia's International Socialization

This article 1 is about recent Russian foreign policy and the emergence of "soft power" policies in Vladimir Putin's hegemonic project at home and abroad. Though Putin's "iron fist" is well felt at the domestic level and in his near abroad, "soft power" has nonetheless become an indispensable ideological attribute of any regime developing its own domestic and foreign policy aims. After the Cold War and the fall of Communism in Eastern Europe, the Russian government was confronted with several challenges related to the construction of not only its own national identity, but also its attitudes and behaviour with regard to the countries of the former Soviet Union and the Soviet bloc. Combining elements of soft and hard power while integrating into a process of international cooperation with the West and the emerging economies in Asia and Latin America constituted a real challenge to the Kremlin in a time the Russian economy had to adapt to new realities derived from a globalizing world economy.

INSTRUMENTALIZING THE SOURCES OF ATTRACTION. HOW RUSSIA UNDERMINES ITS OWN SOFT POWER

The 2011-2013 domestic protests and the 2013-2015 Ukraine crisis have brought to the Russian politics forefront an increasing preoccupation for the soft power. The concept started to be used in official discourses and documents and a series of measures have been taken both to avoid the 'dangers' of and to streamline Russia's soft power. This dichotomous approach towards the 'power of attraction' have revealed the differences of perception of the soft power by Russian officials and the Western counterparts. The present paper will analyse Russia's efforts to control and to instrumentalize the sources of soft power, trying to assess the effectiveness of such an approach.