Episemata on the Murals of the Tomb at Aghios Athanasios and the Tomb of Erotes. The Origins of the Medusa Rondanini. Эписемы из гробницы в Айос Афанасиос и гробницы Эротов. Истоки образа Медузы Ронданини. (original) (raw)
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Кузьмин Ю. Н. «Гробница Аминты» в Тельмессе и Аминта, сын Бубара // Iranica: Иранские империи и греко-римский мир в VI в. до н.э. – VI в. н.э. / Под ред. О.Л. Габелко, Э.В. Рунга, А.А. Синицына и Е.В. Смыкова. Казань: Изд-во Казанского университета, 2017. С. 214–223 *** Yu. N. Kuzmin, “The Tomb of Amyntas” at Telmessus and Amyntas, son of Bubares, in: O. L. Gabelko, E. V. Rung, A. A. Sinitsyn, E. V. Smykov (eds), Iranica: Iranian Empires and the Greco-Roman World from the Sixth Century BC to the Sixth Century AD, Kazan 2017, 214–223. *** The most famous ancient monument of the Lycian city Telmessus (now Fethiye, Turkey) is the so-called “Tomb of Amyntas”, a rock tomb with a monumental façade imitating a temple. The name of tomb comes from the inscription Ἀμύντου τ[οῦ] Ἑρμαπίου (or Ερμαπιου) (TAM. II. 30), which obviously points at its “owner”. Exact dating of the “Tomb of Amyntas” is difficult. It is usually dated quite imprecisely to be of the fourth century B. C. (e. g. G. E. Bean, E. Akurgal, J. Fedak, G. Lang, F. E. Winter et al.). It is beyond doubt that the tomb belonged to either the local ruler or to one of the wealthy and noble men of the city (the “Tomb of Amyntas” is the largest of rock tombs in Telmessus and its surroundings). The name and the patronymic of the deceased are of specific interest. The name Amyntas was most widely spread in Macedonia and North-Western Greece (LGPN. IIIb–IV s. v.). On the other hand Hermapias/Ermapias is a Lycian name (of the Hittite-Luwian origin); it occurs in Asia Minor (LGPN. Va–b s. v.) and rarely outside it, but not in Macedonia. The history of Telmessus is known only in a few details. Unfortunately, we have no data of Amyntas, son of Hermapias/Ermapias. What will follow is a hypothesis of how the name Amyntas could have appeared in Lycia before the time of Alexander the Great (333 B. C.) or at least, without the onomastic influence of Macedonian conquest of region as some scholars has suggested (e. g. A. Keen, J. Fedak, W. Tietz et al.). It is known from a note of Herodotus that the daughter of the Macedonian king Amyntas I (second half of sixth century B. C.) Gygaea was married (some time between 512 and 492 B. C.) to a Persian nobleman Bubares. Their son Amyntas received from king Xerxes the city of “Alabanda in Phrygia” (Hdt. V. 21; VIII. 136). (However, there are opinions that it was Alabanda in Caria or Blaundos in Phrygia.) It is possible to suggest that it was through Amyntas, son of Bubares and Gygaea, that the name Amyntas could appear in Asia Minor as early as in the first half of fifth century B. C. Despite the lack of information about the fate of Amyntas, son of Bubares and Gigaea and his descendants, one can assume that due to matrimonies or hospitable relations they were responsible for spreading of the name Amyntas in Telmessus. If the above assumption is correct and Amyntas son of Bubares accepted Alabanda in Caria it means that the appearance of the name Amyntas in Telmessus can be connected with control over Lycia by Hecatomnid dynasty. Mausolus and his successors ruled Lycia after Persian suppression of the Great Satraps’ Revolt in the late 60’s of fourth century B. C. up to the conquest of Asia Minor by Alexander the Great. Names Ἀμύντης and Ερμαπις are attested in Halicarnassus ca 425–350 B. C. (SEG. XLIII. 713). Thus even if supposition about descendants of Amyntas, son of Burbares in Lycia is very speculative, another supposition, about Carian and not the direct Macedonian trace in the appearance of the name Amyntas in Telmessus, can be quite probable. The dweller of Telmessus Amyntas tou Hermapiou/Ermapiou, the son of a man with indigenous Lycian name, was obviously not a Macedonian.
Elena Vinogradova Church of Kokkine Panagia near Konitsa in Epirus// Macedonian – Roman – Byzantine: The Art of Northern Greece from Antiquity to the Middle Ages. Proceedings of the conference. Moscow, 2017. P. 166-185., 2017
The less-studied frescoes in the sanctuary of Kokkine Panagia сhurch near Konitsa in Epirus are typically provincial, but interesting for their unique iconography. A convincing interpretation was given by Ch. Konstantinidi for the two lower registers of the apse, where we find, in the service of the Bishops, a unique combination of two iconographic versions of Melismos. In the conch of the apse, the Virgin Mary is represented in an iconography which combines a number of Old Testament prototypes. Scholars have interpreted this composition as the Virgin of the Tabernacle, although some details of the image force us to doubt the correctness of this identification. The Virgin is shown in a rounded bowl, which should be interpreted as the image of the Virgin Zoodochos Pege, to whom the church is dedicated. Stylistic analysis of the frescoes shows that they could not have been produced in the late 14th–early 15th centuries, but must be dated to the era of the Despotate of Epirus, the late 13th century, close to the frescoes of Porta Panagia. So the sophisticated iconography of the frescoes is not the result of long evolution, but a unique phenomenon of the turn of the 13–14th centuries, corresponding to the intellectual trends of the era.
Sources of the Image of Aphrodite in Empedocles (in Russian)
Empedocles uses two forces to describe the world process, the emergence and destruction of space-Love and Strife, which work in turn, and in due time, replace each other. It is obvious that love is responsible for unification and creation, and hostility for division and destruction. At first glance it seems quite natural that it is the power of unification that Empedocles calls Aphrodite. However, when you look closely at the fragments of the poem, the image of Aphrodite is not so unambiguous: she acts as a god-craftsman, that is, not just watches from afar as the roots of things are connected to each other, but mixes them with her own hands and is directly involved in the creation of living beings. We meet her involved in such activities as metal casting, pottery, and artwork. This naturally leads to the question from where did she get so many different functions? To answer this question, one should turn to literary sources about Aphrodite both before and after Empedocles' life (in the context of Homer's epos and Hesiod's poem), consider the religious tradition of Cyprus and especially the East, neighboring Greece, from where, in the opinion of some scientists, the goddess could get into the Mediterranean cultural landscape (most important study here is the work by Nano Marinatos), to study archaeological data and findings related to Aphrodite. Taking into account Empedocles' interest to bloodless sacrifices I will try to tie his views with the later orphic tradition. At the same time, in order to protect myself from losing the way in the forest of such huge massif it is necessary to restrict the area of this study. I will concentrate only on the activities of Aphrodite as she is presented in Empedocles.
Смерть македонца в Писидии: о термесской «гробнице Алкета»
«Актуальные проблемы теории и истории искусства». Сб. науч. статей. Вып. 4. / под ред. С.В. Мальцевой, Е.Ю. Станюкович-Денисовой. – СПб.: НП-Принт, 2014. С. 37-47.
The present article focuses on the funerary monument so-called “Tomb of Alketas” at Termessos (ancient Pisidia) of the 4th century BC. It consists of a several rock-cut images and other elements inside an artificially enlarged “grotto”. The first part of the article concerns the iconographical aspect of the monument. All elements are known from the Greek-Macedonian art (e. g., the kline-sarcophagus, rock-cut niches and vessels, the relief representations of a rider and various weaponry etc.), but their composition is unique. Etruscan, Thracian and Karian materials are also taken into account. In the second part of the article we examine whether the grave could be that of Alketas, one of Alexander’s diodochi. This theory is based on the Diodorus Siculus’ writings, but it isn’t proven archaeologically. Yet we cannot eliminate the possibility due to the certain historical circumstances. Altogether, this monument can be considered as an early example of the tombs of the Hellenized elite. ---- Статья посвящена так называемой «гробнице Алкета» – памятнику монументаль- ной архитектуры конца IV в. до н. э., находящемуся на территории античного города Термесс (Пи- сидия). Она представляет собой искусственно расширенный грот и включает ряд элементов, вы- сеченных непосредственно в скале. Первая часть статьи посвящена иконографическому анализу памятника. Все элементы (например, саркофаг-клине, сосуды и емкости, рельефное изображение всадника и предметов вооружения и др.) находят параллели в искусстве греко-македонского круга, однако скомпонованы непривычным образом. Привлекается также этрусский, фракийский и ка- рийский материал. Во второй части статьи рассматривается гипотеза о принадлежности памятника Алкету, диадоху Александра Македонского. Эта теория основана на сообщении Диодора Сицилий- ского, археологически не подтверждена, но, ввиду общей исторической обстановки исключить ее тоже нельзя. В целом этот памятник можно считать одним из первых примеров гробниц эллини- зированной знати.
Печатается по Решению Ученого Совета Каракалпакского научно-исследовательского института гуманитарных наук ККО АН РУз. В сборнике освещаются результаты археологических, исторических, этнографических исследований, проведенных на территории Приаральского региона и сопредельных территорий. Хронологически охватывается широкий диапазон-от памяников античности до новейшего времени. Освещается планировка и топография городищ, история архитектуры, ремесло и ремесленная технология, а также вопросы развития идеологических воззрений и этнографических исследований. Сборник предназначен для археологов, историков, этнографов и студентов исторических факультетов ВУЗов и всех, интересующихся историей Средней Азии.
Кузьмин Ю.Н. Macedonia inermis: некоторые тенденции в изображениях на македонских рельефных надгробиях после римского завоевания (середина II – I вв. до н.э.) // Македония – Рим – Византия: искусство Северной Греции от античности до средних веков / Под ред. Н.А. Налимовой, Т.П. Кишбали, А.В. Захаровой. М.: "КДУ", "Университетская книга", 2017. С. 80–91 *** Yu. Kuzmin, Macedonia inermis: some tendencies in the representations on Macedonian figured tombstones after the Roman conquest (mid-second – first centuries BC), in: N.A. Nalimova, T.P. Kisbali, A.V. Zacharova (eds.), Macedonian – Roman – Byzantine: The Art of Northern Greece from Antiquity to the Middle Ages, Moscow 2017, 80–91 *** After the elimination of the Antigonid monarchy by the Romans (168–167 BC) and the beginning of the integration of Macedonia in the Roman provincial system (mid-second century BC) Macedonian figured tombstones continued, during around a century and a half, to preserve many of features belonging to the art of the Hellenistic period (topics, composition, etc.). As such an example is the topic «the main character and his servant». However, if under the Antigonids and earlier the deceased was often depicted as a warrior (pedestrian or equestrian), and his servant as an armour-bearer, after the abolition of the Macedonian monarchy both these personages began to be pictured without any weapons (the known exceptions are just a few). And what is more, representations of armed people and weapons became then very rare in Macedonian figurative art at all. Obviously, this was due to the destruction of the socio-political structure of the former Macedonian State by the Romans and as well to the deportation of the Antigonid court military and political elite to Italy in 167 BC. The noted trend in the development of figurative art in the Provincia Macedonia seems to have reflected the decay of aristocratic and military traditions in the Macedonian society after the Roman conquest.
2022
The paper analyses numismatic materials from the excavations of the Phanagorian necropolis in 1975–2021. These finds are repeatedly discussed in light of the purpose of coins in ancient graves. Published for the first time, the coin finds from the necropolis of one of the largest centres of the Northern Black Sea region are, without doubt, an important source for studying the monetary circulation in the region and the traits of its funeral rites. Coins are also an important chronological indicator for both the dating of burials and for the historical periodization of the Phanagorian necropolis altogether. It was understood that the tradition of putting money in graves as “Charon’s obol” appeared in the Greek World during the second half of the fifth century BC. Such dating was also confirmed by archaeological finds from the Bosporan necropoleis (Panticapaeum and Volna 1). The Phanagorian necropolis, however, yielded a Panticapaean diobol dating to 480–460 BC, currently the earliest coin used in the burial practice in the Bosporos. A total of 128 coins were found at the Phanagorian necropolis during the aforementioned excavation period (excluding the hoard of 3,695 Late Bosporan staters, which are not associated with ritual practice). Eight of them are silver coins: five Bosporan coins dating to the 5th–1th centuries BC, a denarius of Trajan, two staters of Rhescuporis V. The rest are copper coins. Of the 95 autonomous coins, 66 were minted in Panticapaeum (including a purse with seven coins dating to the third century BC), 26 – in Phanagoria, one in Olbia and one in Amis. Thirty coins are associated with Bosporan kings, from Polemo I to Thothorses, whose coins are dated the latest out of Bosporan coins. Except for the two pierced coins of Mithridates III and Cotys I, as well as two, also perforated, coins of Theodosius I, which were used as pendants, all other coins are “Charon’s obols”, which provides important evidence of both the local funerary rites and the currency of the ancient Bosporus. The study of coins in Phanagorian funerary context allows to accumulate information necessary for a correct interpretation of data on the local (and common Greek) funeral rites. Information obtained during the study of coins from the Phanagorian necropolis can be included in the continuously renewed numismatic “database” from other necropoleis of the Bosporos and southwestern Crimea. However, a complete interpretation of Phanagorian funerary rites, in which coins seem to play an important role, depends on the accuracy of field observations.
ИЗВЕСТИЯ ВУЗОВ. СЕВЕРО-КАВКАЗСКИЙ РЕГИОН. ОБЩЕСТВЕННЫЕ НАУКИ., 2019
Рассматривается ситуация проникновения в историко-философскую и науковедческую учебную литературу герметической мистической поэтики, риторики и мифологии. Анализируется осуществление многократной попытки безапелляционного и некритического обналичивания и легализации «инновационного» апокрифа о генезисе философской и научной традиции мышления и всей европейской цивилизации исключительно в русле герметического оккультизма. Раскрываются особенности и перспективы применения нарративного анализа и тропологических методологических приёмов к исследованию эффектов правдоподобия при производстве научных и околонаучных текстов. Критически рассматриваются сомнительные и навязчивые перспективы онаучивания и легитимации через наукообразный камуфляж и имитации рационально-научных текстов оккультных практик и эзотерических установок в преподавании истории философии и философии науки. The article deals with the situation of penetration of hermetic mystical poetics, rhetoric and mythology into the historical, philosophical and scientific educational literature. The author examines the implementation of multiple attempts peremptory and non-critical cash and the legalization of the “innovation” of the apocryphal story about the Genesis of philosophical and scientific traditions of thought and European civilization in its entirety solely in line with the hermetic occult. The text reveals the features and prospects of the use of narrative analysis and tropical methodological techniques to study the effects of likelihood in the production of scientific and near-scientific texts. A critical examination of dubious and intrusive prospects of onarchive and legitimation through a pseudo-scientific camouflage and imitate the occult practices and esoteric attitudes in teaching history of philosophy and philosophy of science