FRETILIN and the struggle for independence in East Timor (original) (raw)

The East Timor Conflict and Western response

Critical Asian Studies, 1987

Early Fretilin leaders. Rosa Muki Bonaparte (second from left), the secretary of the Popular Organization of Timorese Women, was executed by Indonesian troops during the invasion of Dili. Nicolau Lobato (third from left), the newly sworn in prime minister of the Democratic Republic of East Timor and second president of Fretilin, was killed in 1978, with his wife and sixteen-year-old brother killed earlier in the struggle. Mari Alkatiri (on the left) was the Fretilin National Political Commissioner, and Mau Laka (on the right) was a Fretilin Central Committee member. In that year, too, Fretilin lost its president, Xavier do Amaral, and its minister of information, Alarico Fernandes, both of whom surrendered to the Indonesians; as well as the new president, Nicolau Lobato, who was killed in battle in December 1978. In a press conference the Indonesian general Yusuf announced that the "rebel forces" in East Timor had ceased to exist. Although the Indonesian military continued to make similar claims, subsequent events proved them wrong. Almost miraculously, Fretilin was able to reorganize and reconstitute its forces under the leadership of Jos6 Alexandro Gusmho, known as Xanana. In June 1980 they attacked Indonesia's television transmitter in Dili and several military targets in an operation that rattled Indonesian authorities since they had considered Dili a secure area. 3 Even more astounding, in March 1983 the Indonesian commander in East Timor, Colonel Purwanto, entered into official negotiations with Xanana, who demanded the unconditional withdrawal of Indonesian troops and a U.N.-supervised provision for selfdetermination. A ceasefire was put into effect. It was not,

Timor-Leste: 20 Years of Freedom

2020

On August 30th, 1999, 78.5% of the population in Timor-Leste voted in favour of the separation from Indonesia. The East-Timorese had paid a high price for their independence. Nearly 200,000 people lost their lives during the resis tance against the Indonesian occupation between 1975 and 1999. The militias' rampage, supported by the Indonesian military after the UN had carried out the referendum, shocked the world. Approximately 1,500 people were killed, more than 270,000 were driven away forcibly to neighbouring West-Timor. "More than 80% of the infrastructure was destroyed and left in ruins. An international force led by Australia (INTER-FET) intervened to restore security." Mica Baretto Soares recalls. In many ways, Southeast Asia's youngest nation has since made positive changes, and achieved more than a moderate progress regarding seve ral key issues: It has laid the foundations for key state institutions, enabled an environment for freedom of expression, developed a roadmap for national development, and built a basic service system. Dezember 2019 Together with international guests, East Timorese celebrated in 2019 the 20th anniversary of the referendum for independence and the multinational mission of the International Force East Timor (INTERFET). They praised Timor-Leste's path to peace, stability and democracy. Monika Schlicher and Maria Tschanz gathered some reflective voices in Timor-Leste.

Timor-Leste: Transition from peacekeeping to peacebuilding – A Timorese perspective

Timor-Leste, which includes the enclave of Oe-Cusse Ambeno in the Western part of Timor Island, has an area of 14,919 square kilometers and is administratively divided into 13 districts and 67 sub-districts. The last census, concluded in 2010, determined that the total population was about 1, 114 534. Both Portuguese and Tétum are the official languages. In April 1974, the Portuguese empire crumbled and for Timor-Leste the time had come to gain independence. The withdrawal of the Portuguese military and government allowed for the full-scale invasion by the Indonesian Armed Forces on the 7th of December 1975 and the stage was set for a long and bloody war. In the first three years of warfare the structure of Fretilin was almost totally destroyed. Under the revitalised struggle led by Xanana Gusmão it was concluded that there was a need to adopt maximum flexibility through genuine guerrilla warfare. Two decades of growing unity and common purpose led to the vote of independence on 30 August 1999 and the subsequent total withdrawal of Indonesian Armed Forces (TNI) from the territory on 1 November 1999, marking the end of 24-year war. After almost ten years of nationbuilding, the identification of national priorities and successful implementation of strategies to move ahead, constitute a trademark of Timorese governance.

REVIEW: Correcting the myth of East Timor

Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa

Review of Reluctant Saviour: Australia, Indonesia and the Independence of East Timor, by Clinton FernandesBy trawling through the public record of the events of the time, Fernandes has amassed a convicing collection of little-known evidence showing just how reluctant the Australian Government was to assist the Timorese. He has used often obscure examples, passed-over by the media at the time, to show the true intent of the government.

"East Timor: Hostage to the Cold War?" In The Challenges, Development, and Promise of Timor-Leste. Eds. Ip Kuai Peng, Francisco Jose Leandro, and Danilo Afonso Henriques. Macao: City University of Macau, 2019, pp. 37-71.

The Challenges, Development, and Promise of Timor-Leste., 2019

This chapter explores the shifting fortunes of East Timor during the Cold War and beyond. For most of the Cold War it seemed likely that the fate of East Timor, a small territory under some kind of Portuguese rule since at least the eighteenth century, would be decided by larger powers, most notably neighbouring Indonesia and Australia, with the backing of the United States. In the later 1970s, the United States and Australia acquiesced in and even encouraged and facilitated Indonesia’s annexation of East Timor. The brutality with which the Indonesian military imposed control and suppressed opposition during these years prompted not just simmering low-level internal insurgency, which continued into the 1980s and 1990s, but also persistent external criticism and concern, expressed in international forums such as the United Nations by East Timorese activists and their allies within the increasingly influential human rights movement. East Timor was one example of a territory that initially found its interests subordinated to broader Cold War considerations, yet ultimately succeeded in winning international backing for its quest for independent status. East Timor, initially too small and inconsequential to count for anything in the international balance sheet, displayed great skill in deploying those assets and allies it possessed to win external sympathy and ultimately full independence. A tiny territory with sophisticated activists who developed a real understanding of the shifting workings and levers of power of the global system punched above its weight and was finally able to achieve its objective of becoming a separate state. Yet victory was bought at a high price, leaving up to 25 to 30 percent of the population dead, with hundreds of thousands forced to flee their homes, and most of East Timor devastated.