Post-Separation Parenting and Indigenous Families (original) (raw)

2012, Family Matters

The patterns and practices of post-separation parenting are central to ensuring children's ongoing wellbeing (Amato, 2000; Smyth, 2004). Yet, there is very little existing Australian literature on post-separation parenting practices among Indigenous families. On parenting arrangements, the only directly relevant literature is a presentation by Qu and Weston (2012) that compared the pre- and post-separation parenting circumstances of Indigenous and non-Indigenous mothers and fathers. This study found that separated Indigenous parents were younger, poorer, had younger children at the time of separation and were far more likely to be in a cohabiting rather than a married relationship at the time of separation. There is also a limited literature on the interaction of Indigenous families with the family law system. A 2004 article by Family Law Court Indigenous Family Consultant Steven Ralph, for example, details some unique aspects of Indigenous family law disputes. These include the extent of involvement of extended family in disputes, cultural issues around Indigenous affiliation and identity, and the lack of fit between norms of child access arrangements for many Indigenous families. More recently, the Family Law Council (2012) report, Improving the Family Law System for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Clients, found that family law system services are underutilised by Indigenous families and there is evidence of significant unmet need in Indigenous communities. The very few Indigenous practitioners in the field and the low levels of Indigenous cultural competence among non-Indigenous practitioners have exacerbated this gap. The literature on child support is even more scant, with the only identified literature being a 2010 presentation by Esler, Robertson, and Shipley (2010) on behalf of the Child Support Agency (CSA). Recognising a lack of knowledge of Indigenous families' interaction with the CSA, the authors suggested that the limited existing data indicated that Indigenous parents were more likely to be unemployed and paying or receiving low rates of child support than non-Indigenous CSA clients. The need for specific knowledge on how Indigenous families are negotiating the ongoing financial support of their children post-separation is of even greater import following the 2006 family law reforms. These reforms, among other objectives, included significant changes to how child support is calculated, paid and sought in order to encourage greater involvement of both parents in their children's lives following separation (Kaspiew et al., 2011). The evidence from these sources and the (albeit relatively) larger Australian literature on post-separation parenting (see, for example, Kaspiew et al., 2011; Ministerial Taskforce on Child Support, 2005; Parkinson, 2007; Smyth, 2004) suggest the direct applicability of their findings to Indigenous families is not a reasonable practice. Along with the aspects identified by Ralph (2004) and Qu and Weston (2012) above, socio-demographic data also indicate that Indigenous families, separated and together, have unique dimensions. Indigenous families are, for example, far more likely to be socio-economically disadvantaged, and more likely to live in extended family households, be a sole-parent family and record higher rates of ex-nuptial births (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare [AIHW], 2011). The main purpose of this paper is to use Footprints in Time: The Longitudinal Study of Indigenous Children (LSIC) to provide baseline descriptive information on the post-separation arrangements of Indigenous households, including: the number, proportion and characteristics of children who have a parent living elsewhere; the level and pattern of contact between children and parents living elsewhere; and the patterns of payment and receipt of child support for children.