Military Corruption in China: The Role of Guanxi in the Buying and Selling of Military Positions (original) (raw)

Performing bribery in China – Guanxi-practice: corruption with a human face

2011

Unlike most current academic studies on corruption in China, which focus on the theme of how political, economic and social environments have caused corruption at the macro-level, this paper takes a micro-view. It concentrates on the question of how corruption, notably bribery, takes place between a briber and the bribed. Moreover, it examines what exact role guanxi-practice plays in corrupt exchange and, more importantly, why it constitutes a critical element. Through in-depth case-studies derived from extensive fieldwork, this paper comes to the conclusion that the micro-level operation of corruption in China is not due to some haphazard aggregation of sporadic acts but follows certain rules and codes of conduct, which should be seen as an informal institutional mechanism facilitating the contracting process of corrupt exchange. This paper also demonstrates that guanxi-practice embodies such rules and codes of conduct. Such conduct purports to remove the legal, moral and cognitive barriers impeding the contracting process of corrupt exchange by grafting a corrupt agreement upon a social setting, in which risk of exchange safety is controlled, and moral costs and cognitive dissonance are reduced. Therefore, this paper contends that the causality link between guanxi-practice and corruption is the inverse of the view held by many. It is not that the participants of corruption are compelled to corrupt conduct because of the existence of the guanxi-practice, but on the contrary, these participants adopt guanxi-practice as an alternative operating mechanism that facilitates corruption.

Cronyism and Military Corruption in the post-Deng Xiaoping Era: Rethinking the Party-Commands-the-Gun Model

This article considers why cronyism and military corruption remained rampant in the post-Deng Xiaoping era, despite the progress made by the PLA toward modernization and professionalization. In theory, the bifurcation of civilian and military elites and the demise of 'supreme leaders' provide the PLA with greater autonomy vis-à-vis the Party, whereas the persistence of personalistic power in decision-making creates opportunities for upper-level leaders to place trusted associates in key posts. Cronyism and corruption are inevitable concomitants of this situation, because the lack of effective checks and balances facilitates the misuse of power for private ends. Within this context, the Party's command of the gun faces the danger of gradual erosion, if and when the promotion of military officers conforms more to the exercise of personalistic power than to the prescribed due procedures of Party control. Moreover, major cases of military corruption in the last two decades reveal that the weakening of Party oversight over military affairs may be a remedy worse than the disease.

The moral economy of guanxi and the market of corruption: Networks, brokers and corruption in China’s courts

International Political Science Review 39 (5), 634-646, 2018

In this article, I offer an economic analysis of the characteristics that are associated with corruption when it is facilitated through social exchange or “guanxi” as it is called in China. To that end, I challenge the framework applied in classic social exchange theories and contend that social exchange shall be distinguished from market exchange based on whether the intention to exchange is concealed and not on the exchanging parties’ subjective reflections on the nature and outlook of their exchange relationship. I also identify that corruption participants rely on a self-executable operating mechanism to facilitate negotiation and enforcement of exchange terms instead of the informal reputational system that is used in ordinary social exchange. In addition, I explain how the involvement of professional brokers democratizes guanxi-based corruption and extends the otherwise privileged exchange opportunities to those beyond the guanxi networks with lowered cost.

Corruption or ? Differentiating Between the Legitimate, Unethical, and Corrupt Activities of Chinese Government Officials

Pacific Basin Law Journal, 2014

China has a well-documented corruption problem that has continued for decades, evolving concurrently with China's economy and various insti-nitions of corruption are inadequate to account for China's guanxi culture, which requires gift giving in order to facilitate relationship building. By some guanxi culture mandates for Chinese society ing that Chinese culture itself is corrupt. This is a mistake because it distracts from the actual causes of corruption. China's corruption problem is caused by corruption that would be exploited regardless of guanxi culture. Thus, it is important to explicitly exclude legitimate guanxi corruption in order to bring into better focus the institutional, structural and

Guanxi-networks, corruption brokers and marketization of parochial corruption in China's courts

In this article, I examine how privileged exchange opportunities in parochial corruption in China’s courts become marketized and made accessible to those who do not enjoy a relational-tie. To that end, I first analyze the conceptual features of guanxi, a particularistic relationship between two (or more) individuals who share a dyadic non-transferable relational-tie, as well as the operational rationale of guanxi-based exchange. Then I proceed to investigate what has led to the marketization of guanxi-based parochial corruption. The answer lies in the emergence of professional “judicial brokers”, particularly lawyers, who are best positioned to broker corrupt deals between judges and litigants. I also explain how a self-executable payment scheme, thanks to the asymmetry of anti-corruption measures, is developed to help solve the enforcement problem of illegal corrupt transactions. Finally, I provide some preliminary comparative reflections on guanxi and informal networks in other legal systems.

Filling the gap of formal institutions: the effects of Guanxi network on corruption in reform-era China

Crime, Law and Social Change, 2012

Corruption exists around the world and throughout the human history, but societies undergoing rapid modernization and institutional transition tend to be more susceptible to this problem. This article analyzes the corruption-facilitating roles of guanxi network under transition. It argues that when deficient political and economic institutions hamper the effective flow of information and resources and when fast structural changes generate uncertainty, people can resort to guanxi network, an informal institution, to overcome these difficulties and advance their private interests. Using empirical evidence from reform-era China, this article demonstrates how the communication, exchange, and normative functions of guanxi network enhance the opportunities, means, and incentives for public officials to engage in corruption, especially transactional corruption through particularistic ties.

The Characteristics of Bribe-Taking by Chinese High-Level Officials

Chinese Business Review, 2019

The purpose of this paper is to analyze in detail the characteristics of bribe-taking by provincial and ministerial or senior-level officials. In this paper, we analyze the data concerning all provincial and ministerial level officials convicted of bribe-taking apart from army generals. We identify 110 cases between 1987 and the end of 2015, of which 76 cases involved bribery alone and the rest also involved other crimes. The achievements of China's economic reforms and opening-up over the last 40 years are obvious to all, but they have encouraged significant problems of corruption by senior party and government officials. Between 1987 and 2015 the number of officials convicted of corruption grew significantly and, sentences became more severe. Since 1987, the amount of bribery has increased steadily and the time span of corruption has increased. Corrupt officials mostly use traditional kinds of exchange of interests, and corruption in China has spread into every part of society. China still has a long way to go if it is to win the fight against corruption.

Guanxi-networks, lawyers and marketization of parochial corruption in China's courts (Working Paper)

In this article, I examine how privileged exchange opportunities in parochial corruption in China's courts become marketized and made accessible to those who do not enjoy a relational-tie. To that end, I first analyze the conceptual features of guanxi, a particularistic relationship between two (or more) individuals who share a dyadic non-transferable relational-tie, as well as the operational rationale of guanxi-based exchange. Then I proceed to investigate what has led to the marketization of guanxi-based parochial corruption. The answer lies in the emergence of professional "judicial brokers", particularly lawyers, who are best positioned to broker corrupt deals between judges and litigants. I also explain how a self-executable payment scheme, thanks to the asymmetry of anti-corruption measures, is developed to help solve the enforcement problem of illegal corrupt transactions. Finally, I provide some preliminary comparative reflections on guanxi and informal networks in other legal systems.

Informal network as a safety net: the role of faction in China’s anticorruption campaign

The new Chinese leadership that assumed power in late 2012 has launched an anticorruption campaign that is distinctive in its sheer magnitude. The dazzling number of high-level officials struck down by the CCP’s disciplinary body provides a unique opportunity to revisit a much speculated question in China studies: how do the dynamics of informal network affect the Party’s disciplinary punishment of senior cadres? This paper takes a first step to address this question with systematic evidence. We point out that the threat of rectification campaign hanging over the head of the bureaucratic system induces officials to attach themselves to powerful patrons, whose protection offers pivotal career security for lower-level clients. Based on a sample of over 500 provincial officials who were in office when the current campaign started, we show that officials tied to incumbent members of the Politburo Standing Committee are less likely to be investigated for corruption than those without such ties. At the same time, factional ties with retired members of the same body do not provide similar protection. Our analysis helps explain the pervasiveness of personal dependence and factional activities in China’s political system; it also sheds light on the complex interaction of informal rules and formal institutions in authoritarian regimes.