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The Fundamental Significance of Information Technology in Modern Economic Growth and Development
SPECIALIZED AND MULTIDISCIPLINARY SCIENTIFIC RESEARCHES - Volume 1, 2020
This article aims to provide basicinformation about the role of information, communication and computer technologies in the economic branch of society. in the development of modern society. Information and communication technology (ICT), population growth, gross capital formation, openness and inflation are frequently wellthought-out as significant drivers of economic growth in all countries especially for developing ones and so for Uzbekistan in our case. This paper aims to examine the importanceof informationtechnology in the economic growth and in the development of modern society. The outcomes illustrate that ICT has positive impact on Uzbek regions' economic growth as well as the other factors except for inflation which has a negative impact on economic growth for the country. The impact degree of ICT on economic growth is less than that of other countries especially emerging and developed economists.
Does information and Communication Technology development Contributes to economic growth
Journal of theoretical and applied information technology, 2012
This paper studies the impact of Information and Communication Technology (ICT) development on economic growth in different countries and regions of the world. The results indicate that there is a positive relationship between real GDP growth and ICT development (as measured by the ICT Development Index) for 153 countries over the world. This study also finds that ICT development in the upper-middle income group has a higher effect on economic growth than other countries. This implies that if these countries seek to enhance their economic growth, they need to implement specific policies that facilitate ICT development.
ECONOMIC GROWTH AND INFORMATION TECHNOLOGIES
The most important task facing Russia at the present time is to achieve economic growth. These words are pronounced with equal frequency by westernizing liberals, centrist advocates of a strong state, social democrats, communists and nationalists. The President endorses the idea, as do members of the Government. The President’s annual Message to the Federal Assembly set the task of doubling GDP within the next 10 years, which would require a 7% annual rate of growth. There is, of course, an opposing view that prefers institutional reform to economic growth. Ye. T. Gaidar is its most categorical proponent. This position is difficult to refute by theoretical means alone, arguing solely on the basis of economic premises. Indeed, recovery from the recession of the 1990s has been largely exhausted as a source of growth; high oil prices cannot be maintained indefinitely; and the ill-defined, intermediate condition of our economy today hardly provides us a way to move forward quickly. It is difficult to support the “institutional reform” point of view, however, once one looks beyond purely economic considerations. 1. Institutions can be reformed, to the extent that society allows this to happen. More precisely, there is a maximum possible lag increment between legislative innovations and the institutions that actually exist in society. The size of that lag increment depends on many factors (see below), the most important of which is the degree to which the population is law-abiding. Unfortunately, Russia is not a highly law-abiding country, so the lag increment is small. It would be impossible to replicate in Russia what was done in Japan, which in 1898 adopted the German Civil Code. It is evident that the failures of reform during the 1990s were associated not only with the incomplete nature of reform measures in some regions, but also with the phenomenon of excessive reform, which took place in others. Laws and regulations that differ significantly from the concepts people have (“running ahead” of them), produce quite different, sometimes diametrically opposite, results from what their authors expected. 2. Economic growth increases the quantity and “quality” of support for reform on the part of those who experience material gains, but it also raises the level of faith in reform even among layers of the population who have not actually benefited, thus increasing the size of the lag increment. Reforms that were impossible to implement during the period of economic recession have become quite practicable in recent years. Thus, not only does economic growth depend on the success of institutional reform, but, conversely, the success of institutional reform is largely determined by economic growth. A substantial portion of public debate in Russia revolves around what factors determine the speed of economic growth, and how to bring about high rates of development in our economy. There are many recipes. The advocates of a strong state and the “dirigists” insist that government intervention in the economy should be increased. The libertarians, by contrast, recommend cuts in taxes and state spending. The institutionalists talk about the need to reform institutions and combat corruption, while the “techies” push the development of science and technology; and so on. None of these prescriptions should be rejected out of hand. Regional distinctions, such as the dynamic development of East Asian countries or Latin America’s endless running in place, clearly demonstrate the role of culture and institutions. There is a well-established correlation, shared by different countries, between economic failure and the level of corruption. It is also an irrefutable fact that in countries that have caught up economically, the state has played, and continues to play, a big role both in the creation of market institutions, and directly in the economy. But the opposite tendency is also observed: it became very apparent during the 1980s and 1990s that the reduction of government spending and superfluous social programs promotes economic growth. Particularly convincing is the case of Ireland, which sharply cut government spending and turned from one of the poorest nations of Western Europe into one of its economic leaders, in the space of ten years. On the other hand, Finland and Sweden, with government spending in the range of 45-50% of GDP or higher, are among the most competitive economies in the world. Neither should any of these recipes be adopted without reservations. Many of them are more in the nature of good intentions, than real recommendations. One might say that it would be very useful to abolish, tomorrow, those Russian traditions that impede economic development, such as negligence in carrying out one’s obligations, the habit of acting in circumvention of the law, etc. But popular traditions are the hardest thing to change, while forcibly effecting such changes could lead to unexpected and grave consequences, insofar as our virtues are a continuation of our faults. Other prescriptions, which appear more realistic on the surface, give rise to just as many objections – not only because they contradict one another, but due to more specific circumstances. For example, a reasonable and long overdue reform of the civil service, entailing an increase in civil service pay rates, runs smack into the impossibility of implementing such a pay raise, without corresponding pay scale increases for military and other federal budget sector employees (the division of government employees into civil servants and budget sector workers being somewhat arbitrary), with the attendant steep increase of state spending and acceleration of inflation. Therefore we shall take a purely empirical approach to the problem of economic growth, without paying attention to any previously formulated premises. We shall look exclusively at data from the most recent period, since it seems obvious that no prescription for growth is valid for all periods of time. For example, in the industrial age Keynesian recommendations were helpful for emerging from the Great Depression of 1929, while monetarist policies – the very opposite – charted a pathway out of the 1973 crisis. Moreover, current trends of globalization and “post-industrialization” may well have altered the way in which economic growth depends on various factors. Selection of a method for measuring national economic growth presents a special problem. Many economists question GDP per capita, the most widely used indicator. There are many arguments against it: the paradox of the professor and his housekeeper, its dependence on the method of data analysis used, the imprecision of estimates, its undercounting of the public sector, and so forth, up to and including proposals to count female beauty as part of the gross product. Many other, more refined measures have been developed. Nonetheless, we shall use GDP per capita (adjusted for parity of purchasing power) to express the success of transitional “semi-market” economies. One reason for this choice is that none of the new measures has become generally accepted, so the choice of any one of them could become a factor affecting the analysis. Moreover, the primary data estimates for all aspects of the performance of transitional economies with a large informal sector have such a large margin of error, that employing more refined indicators will not make the calculation of correlations more precise. The main way to minimize the margin of error is to use average GDP growth values over long periods of time (at least 4-5 years). For transit economies (and not them alone), however, even this does not provide complete protection against mistakes. The short period of our analysis includes many events on the scale of the Asian crisis of 1997, the Russian crisis of 1998, September 11, 2001 and its consequences, etc., which makes the estimates highly dependent on the particular choice of a period for which to compute GDP growth. Furthermore, part of the economic recession in Russia and other former socialist countries during the initial period of reform was actually not a true recession, but reflected a change in the “unit of distortion”: in the Soviet economy, the main distortions were attributable to upward exaggeration of data, whereas in the post-Soviet economy the reverse has been the case – the understating of performance for purposes of evading taxation. Conversely, part of recent years’ economic growth likewise should be attributed not to real growth, but to the legalization of incomes as companies exited the informal sector.
Effect of ICT on World Economic Growth
SSRN Electronic Journal, 2012
This paper aim is to study on the agreement of leading academicians, global organization and industry analyst that there is direct correlation between the use of ICT and world economic growth. Analysis done resulting to empirical studies and research had been carried out between ICT and economic growth found there is both mixed results which depended on the methodology of the research. Engagement and geographical landscape or situation should be considered. Studies that was done previously in the 1990"s that ICT potentially contribute to rapid economic growth. Therefore, with hype of new economy is over further analysis is done in this research study as well. Problem statement is defined and data sampling method is proposed in this study. Latest secondary data resources obtained for the purpose of this study in order to examine the contribution of ICT to macroeconomic growth performance. Prior to this analysis, what was observed that in order to enhance economic growth globally, there is a need to implement specific policies that facilitate investment in ICT. Future research will need to study on measuring the impact in detail for the macroeconomic studies in comparison to empirical method.
The impact of ICT on growth in transition economies
2004
. The impact of ICT on growth in the new five EU member countries (Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and Slovenia) was higher than the average for the former EU-15. Hence, ICT -through both the capital deepening and TFP growth in ICT-producing sector -contributed to convergence of the level of income between those countries and the EU-15. This was however not the case for Bulgaria, Romania, and Russia, where ICT contribution to growth was lower than in the EU-15. ICT thus led to income deconvergence. Future growth prospects of the CEE countries, including Russia, will largely depend on further ICT investments and an ability to ensure their productive use on a macro, industry and micro level. The paper speculates that ICT capital will have a significant contribution to long-term growth in Poland, taken as a proxy for other CEE countries, on the level of 15% of the projected average annual GDP growth of 4% until 2025. This projection does not however take into account the potential for emergence of new applications of ICT, which could stimulate further increases in aggregate productivity. Neither does it measure the possible contribution from TFP growth in ICT sector and from the spillover effects of ICT production and use. The paper argues that the potential of ICT will not however be realized without changes in business models and an increase in the quality of human capital and ICT skills. On the macrolevel, as indicated by the New Economy Indicator, ICT will not benefit CEE countries without them making consistent progress in economic, institutional and regulatory environment.
The Impact of Information and Communication Technology Use on Economic Growth
2011
This paper studies the impact of Information and Communication Technology (ICT) use on economic growth in different countries and regions of the world. The results indicate that there is a positive relationship between growth rate of real GDP per capita and ICT use index (as measured by the number of internet users, fixed broadband internet subscribers and the number of mobile subscription per 100 inhabitants) for 159 countries over the world. This study also finds that ICT use in the high income group has a higher effect on economic growth than other groups. This implies that if these countries seek to enhance their economic growth, they need to implement specific policies that facilitate ICT use.
Determinants of Economic Growth in the Information Age
This paper investigates the hypothesis that ICT penetration has a significant positive effect on economic growth using data from over 100 countries for the period 1995-2005, during which ICT rapidly penetrated most nations. Our study documents three principal findings: (i) ICT penetration, combined with the initial level of income, institutional quality, population size, the agricultural sector’s share in the economy, and investment intensity are strong determinants of the variation in GDP growth across countries over the period 1995-2005; (ii) the magnitude of the ICT effect on growth is larger for the lower-ICT subsample than for the higher-ICT group. This contrast is even more pronounced over the subperiod 2000-05; and (iii) investment intensity has a stronger effect on growth for the lower-ICT subsample than for the higher-ICT group, while population size has a stronger effect on growth for the latter than for the former subsample.
The role of ICT development in boosting economic growth in transition economies
Journal of International Studies, 2021
During the last decades, the substantial development of information and communication technologies (ICTs) has led to a number of economic and noneconomic changes in all countries worldwide. The ICT progress can significantly influence macroeconomic outcomes and it is widely recognized as an important factor of the transition toward a new economic system. This transition was especially challenging for former command economies. Since these economies are characterized by relatively low standards of living, poor infrastructure and continuous changes in economy structure and regulatory framework, the ICT development can have adverse effect on economic activities. In that sense, this study addresses the role of ICT development in enhancing the economic growth in 11 EU transition economies over the 2000-2019 period, using the linear regression analysis. The obtained results suggest