Settler Ideology as Public Pedagogy: Erasing Moral Facts with Common Core Principles (original) (raw)

A Public Pedagogy of White Victimhood: (Im)Moral Facts, Settler Identity, and Genocide Denial in Dakota Homeland

Qualitative Inquiry, 2017

This article examines dominant discourses driving southern Minnesota’s white public pedagogy of the U.S.–Dakota War of 1862, focusing specifically on hardline separations between fact and opinion that divert citizens from acknowledging the moral significance of their state’s genocidal founding. Supported by objectivist discourses enshrined in today’s Common Core Standards, the regional need to distinguish fact from opinion reveals highly situated white-supremacist roots when historicized, originating in primary-source materials that perplexingly frame white “victimhood” and Dakota “savagery” as objective moral knowledge. Critically analyzing recent acts of fact-checking performed by members of a regional settler discourse community, this article shows such “objective” knowledge at work, persistently thriving on age-old notions of white-settler identity and white community belonging. Ultimately, this article exposes the ongoing persuasive power of the primary sources’ dominant discou...

Fear and Reconciliation: The U.S.-Dakota War in White Public Pedagogy

2015

This study examines closely related public discourses like balance, neutrality, objectivity, and fairness, analyzing the collective barrier they pose to social-justice education. Taking the recent sesquicentennial of the U.S.-Dakota War of 1862 as a case in point, this study gives an overview of the public pedagogy (Sandlin et al., 2011) that prevailed in southern Minnesota in 2012, encouraging educators to present perspectives on the war in ways commonly considered “balanced,” “neutral,” etc., all while urging citizen-scholars to commemorate sacrifices made by the Dakota people and white settlers equally. As I argue, this public pedagogy mediates justice as fairness (Rawls, 1993; Steele, 2005; Seth, 2010), a sense of justice that has a long colonial history in America, promoting the suspension of social contingencies like race so that the historically empowered may make sense and derive comfort from the violently unequal past. To better understand justice-as-fairness discourses as antithetical to critical social-justice education (McLaren, 1995; Grande, 2004; Giroux, 2006; Waziyatawin, 2008), this study proceeds to explore relationships between classroom pedagogy and 2012’s larger public pedagogy. Analyzing data collected from fieldnotes, informal conversational interviews, and classroom artifacts, I look carefully into dilemmas these conflicting senses of justice presented to a group of 15 college students and two instructors as they co-authored a successful traveling museum exhibit on the U.S.-Dakota War. Conducting their work at a private, liberal-arts institution located near where the fighting once took place, I investigate various ways students and instructors resisted, negotiated, and reproduced justice-as-fairness discourses that have long encouraged local citizens to suspend moral judgment about how their communities were made. What emerges is a portrait of educators and student knowledge workers setting aside critical prior knowledge about colonialism and racial oppression in order to accommodate the creation of a museum exhibit that would safely mediate a common sense of justice for them and their implied white audience. The study concludes by theorizing pedagogical support for a critical museum-exhibit project on the U.S.-Dakota War that would advocate for regional social change, an exhibit variously envisioned by students but one that ultimately went unwritten for deference to local ideological demands.

Where Truth Telling and White Public Pedagogy Collide: Educative Barriers to Restorative Justice in Dakota Homeland

Proceedings of the Tenth Native-American Symposium. Durant, OK: Southeastern Oklahoma State University., 2015

2012 marked the 150th anniversary of the U.S.-Dakota War in Minnesota, the decisive moment when settler society drew the color line through Dakota homeland (Mni Sota Makoce) by means of exclusionary legislation, extermination campaigns, and violent removal. In What Does Justice Look Like? (2008), Dakota scholar Waziyatawin anticipated the state’s sesquicentennial period as “an ideal time to initiate a new era of truth telling in Minnesota to counter the 150 years of myth making” (p. 11), her contribution being to challenge white readers to acknowledge the crimes against humanity through which their state was made — including genocide — so that restorative justice for Mni Sota Makoce and its people could become imaginable. By analyzing ethnographic data collected as participant-observer of a college course taught in 2012 near where the fighting once took place, I identify salient barriers to Waziyatawin’s decolonial project as experienced by a group of young, white Minnesotans oriented favorably toward her vision. Interview data collected as these students co-constructed a successful traveling museum exhibit on the war, purchased by groups as varying as the Flandreau Santee Sioux Community in South Dakota and the Smithsonian Institution in Washington D.C., reveal a growing sense of ambivalence wherein students struggled to retain critical voices amidst a white social order demanding “balance” and “neutrality” in representations of its settler-colonial past. The ideological constraints exerted by this public pedagogy (Sandlin et al., 2011) will be analyzed.

Unsettling Narratives: Teaching and Learning About Genocide in a Settler Space A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA BY

Unsettling Narratives: Teaching and Learning About Genocide in a Settler Space, 2022

This research study examined how students and I navigated learning and teaching about genocide and mass violence in the context of a semester-long high school comparative genocide and human rights elective course at DeWitt Junior-Senior High School in rural south-central Wisconsin. Specifically, the study examined how students individually and collectively navigated the “difficult knowledge” (Pitt & Britzman, 2003) of learning about settler colonialism (Tuck & Yang, 2012), the genocide of Indigenous peoples in the United States during the nineteenth century, the legacies of genocide and mass violence at the intersections of U.S. and Indigenous societies during the twentieth and twenty-first centuries (Dunbar-Ortiz, 2014), and the enduring legacies of white supremacy and settlerness. Additionally, this study sought to understand how I, a white social studies teacher, navigated teaching about settler colonialism and the genocide of Indigenous peoples in a settler space (Dalbo, 2021). Through examining one specific semester-long elective class during the 2021-2022 academic year, this research grew out of my and my students’ struggles and success in teaching and learning about genocide and mass violence over the past fifteen years that I have been engaged in social studies teaching and research. This qualitative study (Patton, 2015) brought together aspects of case study (Merriam, 1998; Yin, 2011), and practitioner research, specifically self-study (Loughran & Northfield, 1998; Zeichner, 1999) methodologies and methods.

Preface: Critical Social Justice Education and the Assault on Truth in White Public Pedagogy

Critical Social Justice Education and the Assault on Truth in White Public Pedagogy The US-Dakota War Re-Examined, 2020

This book explores tensions between critical social justice and what the author terms white justice as fairness in public commemoration of Minnesota’s US-Dakota War of 1862. First, the book examines a regional white public pedagogy demanding “objectivity” and “balance” in teaching-and-learning activities with the purpose of promoting fairness toward white settlers and the extermination campaign they once carried out against Dakota people. The book then explores the dilemmas this public pedagogy created for a group of majority-white college students co-authoring a traveling museum exhibit on the war during its 2012 sesquicentennial. Through close analyses of interviews, field notes, and course artifacts, this volume unpacks the racial politics that drive white justice as fairness, revealing a myriad of ways this common sense of justice resists critical social justice education, foremost by teaching citizens to suspend moral judgment toward symbolic white ancestors and their role in a history of genocide.

Regional Genocide Denial and Contradictory White Selves

Critical Social Justice Education and the Assault on Truth in White Public Pedagogy The US-Dakota War Re-Examined, 2020

This chapter pursues tensions between conflicting regional- and national-insider selves constructed by historian Gary Clayton Anderson as he delivered a public lecture on Minnesota’s U.S.-Dakota War in January 2012. Positioning himself as regional insider, Anderson sought to diminish the importance of genocidal intent among white officials in Minnesota, a discursive move designed to persuade the implied white audience to suspend judgment toward symbolic white ancestors and the genocide they carried out against the Dakota people in the 1860s. Yet, as national-insider who confers with prominent Genocide Studies scholars, Anderson had to account for the importance of genocidal intent, raising contradictions that involved culpability for ancestors closer to heart. The chapter analyzes the lecture as an act of epistemic violence against both indigenous audience members and critical whites in attendance. Ultimately, this chapter provides more ways white justice as fairness diverts citizen-scholars away from critical social justice education on the U.S.-Dakota War.

Confronting White Supremacy and a Militaristic Pedagogy in the U.S. Settler Colonial State

We argue that understanding contemporary geographies of race and militarism is predicated on understandings of settler colonialism and white supremacy. Settler colonialism is a continuously unfolding project of empire that is enabled by and through specific racial configurations that are tied to geographies of white supremacy. In a U.S. context, settler colonialism begins with the removal of first peoples from the land and the creation of racialized and gendered labor systems that make the land productive for the colonizers. In this context, settler colonialism is an enduring structure—an interrelated political, social, and economic process that continuously unfolds—requiring continued reconfigurations and interventions by the state. Such a framing connects land- scapes of militarism and geopolitics with everyday forms of violence, social difference, and normalized power hierarchies and relationships of oppression. Building from these insights we argue that theorizations of U.S. mil- itarism must be connected to the spatialities of white supremacy and grounded in the U.S. imperial settler state. Finally, we end by engaging with a broader discussion on the ways in which the discipline and academic institu- tions are complicit in practices that contribute to white supremacy, poverty, inequality, and the continuation of settler colonial practices. For these reasons it is necessary to cultivate a broadly conceived and militantly uncompromising peace agenda premised on antiviolence and the rejection of the racism (and its intersections with gender, class, and sexuality) implicit in the settler colonial state. Key Words: Baltimore uprising, Ferguson uprising, militarism, peace studies, white supremacy.