The Numbers and Narratives of Alt-Right White Extremists in the US (original) (raw)

Guiding Principles for Countering and Displacing Extremist Narratives

Journal of Terrorism Research, 2016

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 License. Abstract U.S. policymakers regard countering and displacing extremist narratives to be a core strategy of countering violent extremism. The rise of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), which uses highly sophisticated messaging to reach U.S. young persons, has further emphasized the need for this strategy. However, to date there has been little discussion of field principles to guide community-based practitioners in either countering or displacing extremist narratives associated with violent Islamist extremism. Drawing upon existing theory, empirical evidence, and practical experience from across multiple disciplines, this article seeks to fill these gaps with a set of field principles to guide both developing the content of new counter-narratives and alternative narratives and then delivering the new counter-narratives and alternative narratives.

The Three Ps of Domestic Extremism in the United States

ICSVE Brief Reports, 2022

The question of the rise of domestic extremism in the United States is one which is regularly commented upon by journalists, political pundits, and scholars of numerous academic fields. The data supports a sharp rise in hate crimes over the past five years, including those directed at Asian Americans during the COVID-19 pandemic. Violent extremist groups that have existed in the United States for decades if not centuries like the Ku Klux Klan and National Socialist Movement continue to gain members and sympathizers but are increasingly joined at rallies and protests, and in violent crime, by newer groups like the Oath Keepers and Proud Boys. Notably, members of the latter two groups have been charged with seditious conspiracy for their actions during the January 6th riot at the U.S. Capitol; their violent attempt to keep former President Trump in power was one never seen since the end of the Civil War. What is it that has contributed to the observed rise in domestic extremism, in the United States in particular? Our own research, as well as that of others, has consistently shown that the making of a terrorist or violent extremist consists of four parts: the group, its violence-justifying ideology, social support for that ideology which may exist in one’s local community or online, and individual needs and vulnerabilities. For those living outside of active combat zones, such as those becoming radicalized in the United States, those individual needs and vulnerabilities often include those for belonging, dignity, meaning, purpose, and significance. This “lethal cocktail of terrorism” is a psychosocial one which applies equally to violent extremists of all ideologies, whether they are militant jihadists, white supremacists, incel shooters, single-issue terrorists, or those on the far left. Presently, we present an additional model which applies to the broader social milieu in the United States and has brought about the recent rise of domestic extremism described above. This model may appear to be sociological or political in nature, yet each of its components can affect the individual psychology of any American. Under these conditions, the ingredients of the lethal cocktail are made all the more potent, and any American can be at risk for radicalization to violent extremism. We have entitled this lethal cocktail-amplifying model the “3P” model of domestic extremism.

Understanding the nature of online extremist narratives

‘Understanding the nature of online extremist narratives’, The Challenge of Jihadist Radicalisation, published by the European Policy Centre (Brussels) in association with European Foundation for Democracy and the Counter-Terrorism project, pp. 90-100

White Supremacist Terrorism in Charlottesville: Reconstructing 'Unite the Right'

STUDIES IN CONFLICT & TERRORISM, 2021

The “Unite the Right” rally that subsumed Charlottesville, Virginia in 2017 will be remembered for its haunting torch-lit rally, massive display of neo-Nazi and white nationalist paraphernalia, bloody riots, and murderous car attack. Despite extensive media coverage, a comprehensive, scholarly, synthetic study of the planning and execution of the Unite the Right (UtR) has yet to emerge. Drawing from a repository of 5,000 primary texts and digital artifacts and using the lens of symbolic interactionism and levels of analysis theory, this study details the event as manifested in three theatres: symbolically mediated, systems-technical, and physical. Three findings are discussed: first, the “event” was centrally organized as a simulacrum of a military campaign; second, the agitational propaganda and information warfare was extensive and designed to publicize, recruit, and terrorize; and third, the city of Charlottesville suffered two cyberattacks timed for meaningful symbolic interaction with movement actors and public officials. Based on these three findings, the authors offer the term “immersive terrorism” to describe the extended, transmediated, multi-theatre nature of the UtR terror campaign.

Critical events in the life trajectories of domestic extremist white supremacist groups

Criminology & Public Policy, 2009

This study examines the evolution of four domestic far-right racist organizations: Aryan Nations, National Alliance, Public Enemy Number 1 (PEN1), and Oklahoma Constitutional Militia (OCM). Information about the groups was compiled through opensource documents, including scholarly, government, watch-group, and media accounts. We compared the changes that occurred in these organizations and found that they were influenced by contextual and organizational variables. We focused primarily on the rise of the groups. Three organizations experienced growth and longevity because they (1) had able leadership that set forth a clear ideological message and goals, (2) undertook concrete actions to advance their ideology and goals as well as had the finances necessary for this, (3) took advantage of political opportunities, and (4) were internally cohesive. Conversely, this research was supported by the u.s. department of Homeland security through the national consortium for the study of terrorism and responses to terrorism (stArt) grant n00140510629. However, any opinions, findings, conclusions, or recommendations in this document are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect views of the u.s. department of Homeland security. earlier versions of this article were presented at the 2008 American Association for the Advancement of sciences meeting in Boston and the 2008 department of Homeland security university network research and education summit in Washington, dc. the authors thank gary laFree, Jessica stern, and four anonymous reviewers for comments on an earlier draft. direct correspondence to Joshua d. Freilich, department of criminal Justice, John Jay college of criminal Justice, city university of new york, room 636t, Justice Ph.d. Program, John Jay college of criminal Justice, city university of new york, room 636t, ).