From genitive suffix to linking element A corpus study on the genesis and productivity of a new compounding pattern in (Early) New High German (original) (raw)
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Morphology, 2008
German linking elements are sometimes classified as inflectional affixes, sometimes as derivational affixes, and in any case as morphological units with at least seven realisations (e.g. -s-, -es-, -(e)n-, -e-). This article seeks to show that linking elements are hybrid elements situated between morphology and phonology. On the one hand, they have a clear morphological status since they occur only within compounds (and before a very small set of suffixes) and support the listener in decoding them. On the other hand, they also have to be analysed on the phonological level, as will be shown in this article. Thus, they are marginal morphological units on the pathway to phonology (including prosodics). Although some alloforms can sometimes be considered former inflectional endings and in some cases even continue to demonstrate some inflectional behaviour (such as relatedness to gender and inflection class), they are on their way to becoming markers of ill-formed phonological words. In fact, linking elements, above all the linking -s-, which is extremely productive, help the listener decode compounds containing a bad phonological word as their first constituent, such as Geburt+s+tag ‘birthday’ or Religion+s+unterricht ‘religious education’. By marking the end of a first constituent that differs from an unmarked monopedal phonological word, the linking element aids the listener in correctly decoding and analysing the compound. German compounds are known for their length and complexity, both of which have increased over time—along with the occurrence of linking elements, especially -s-. Thus, a profound instance of language change can be observed in contemporary German, one indicating its typological shift from syllable language to word language.
Linking elements in German: Origin, Change, Functionalization
Contemporary German is known for its complex system of linking elements. They not only show different degrees of productivity (between unproductive -es- and very productive -s-), but also exhibit functional diversity, with some of them even allowing plural interpretation, e.g. -er- in Völk+er+kunde ‘ethnology’ vs. Volk+s+kunde ‘folklore’. In this paper, we argue that this is due to the complex historical development from two different sources. The first layer of linking elements, which arose out of Germanic primary suffixes, was reduced to one member, the “older” linking -e-, already in Old High German (e.g. in NHG Tag+e+werk ‘daily task’). The current functional diversity of the linking elements is primarily due to the later evolution out of inflectional endings. The dissociation from the second source has included a gradual change of the assignment rules from lexical (gender, declension class) to prosodic (formal) level. Thus, the current distribution of the most developed linking -s- is the most formalized one, as it can be directly deduced from the prosodic form of the first constituent. The development of the second layer of linking elements resembles the process of grammaticalization. However, linking elements form part of word formation and therefore are not the typical result of grammaticalization.
Journal of Historical Linguistics, 2018
This article addresses the replacement of the diminutive form -lein by -chen as the leading suffix in written German language during the New High German period. Using the DTA corpus, a large sample of diminutive hits from the period between 1600 and 1900 forms the basis of this investigation. The study aims to provide a detailed periodization of the replacement process with regard to both types and tokens. By using methods from computational linguistics and time series analysis, clear patterns of language variation and change are demonstrated that are to some extent inter-related and delayed in time. It further becomes evident that there are transfers between genres that coincide with the transition from -lein to -chen. This indicates that the replacement is due to a strengthening of the semantic effort of the diminutive suffix. Finally, information on the writer’s origin is used to map the areal distribution of diminutive forms over time. The maps clarify that geography is an important factor especially in the initiation phase of the replacement, but it seems to be without any impact by the end of the 19th century. In doing so, the study offers a particular framework for the analysis of word formation based on historical corpora.
Even though many studies of historical morphology have described trends and changes in the productivity of borrowed suffixes in English, such as-able,-age,-ance,-ity,-cion,-ment and-ous, few studies have been able to illustrate how borrowed suffixes initially came to be perceived by speakers as independent, productive units. This study aims to identify and analyze two types of textual evidence – so-called base paradigms and suffix paradigms – to demonstrate how and when English writers and readers might have perceived the endings of borrowings as analyzable, detachable suffixes. Textual examples are selected from a variety of fourteenth-through sixteenth-century registers, including guild records, early English Biblical discourse, medical writing, and personal correspondence.
SUFFIX COMPETITION IN OLD ENGLISH WORD FORMATIONBibliographical References
This article deals with noun formation in Old English and, to be more precise, the competition that arises in suffixation. Four questions are addressed: What are the instances of affix competition in the formation of Old English nouns? Can affix competition be explained exclusively on morphological grounds? Can affix competition be accounted for in terms of the semantics of the base of derivation exclusively? and What is the role of diachronic evolution? The conclusion is reached that morphological or semantic explanations in isolation do not suffice. Regarding diachronic evolution, this discussion leads to the conclusion that the winner of competition is the affix that has survived for a longer time throughout the evolution of the language. Abstract 'youth' hālig 1 adj. Abstract 'holy' hǣðen 1 adj. Abstract 'pagan' hagosteald 1 adj. Abstract 'unmarried' (ge)riht 1 N. n. Abstract 'justice; privilege' scacan v. st VI Active 'shake off' unriht 2 adj. Abstract 'wrong, evil' geuntrum adj. Abstract 'sick, ill' wōh 2 adj. Abstract 'crooked' Figure 8: Analysis of the bases of derivation of the suffixes -dōm, -nes and -hād. Base Inflectional morphology Semantic analysis Predicate translation ārlēas adj. Abstract 'disgraced' ābylgan v. w Active 'offend' behēfe N. m Abstract 'convenience' carlēas adj. Abstract 'careless' (ge)scendan v. w Causative 'put to shame, confound' gīemelēas adj. Abstract 'negligent' giccan v. w Stative 'itch' gif 2 N. n Abstract 'grace' (ge)hǣlan v. w Active 'save' lang adj. Concrete 'long' gelēaflēas adj. Abstract 'unbelievable' (ge)lēaf N. f Abstract 'vow' myrge 1 adj. Abstract 'pleasant' rēcelēas adj. Abstract 'careless' rīpian v. w Active 'rip, harvest' strang adj. Abstract 'strong' wanhāl adj. Abstract 'weak' wiergan v. w 1 Active 'curse'
Is the development of linking elements in German a case of exaptation?
The development of linking elements in German has usually been analysed as a case of exaptation. In this paper, a more differentiated picture of this development is presented. What at first sight seems to be a clear case of exaptation (old form > new function) turns out to be a complex process consisting of two stages: (1) the development of a first layer of linking vowels in Old High Ger-man (new but related function) out of Proto-Germanic primary suffixes (old form); and (2) the subsequent development of a second layer of linking elements from inflectional (genitive) endings. Based on historical evidence, it is argued that the second stage should be analysed as a case of formal renovation. This is due to the fact that this reinforcement took place while the old linking system was still productive.
A Study of Noun-Deriving Suffixes in Competition in Middle English
2018
This paper presents a corpus-driven analysis of the Germanic suffixes -dom, -hood, -lac, -ness, -rede(n), and -ship in Middle English. The main objective is to assess the occurrence and use of synonymous derivations in the corpora examined, namely the Middle English Grammar Corpus (MEG-C) (Stenroos et al. 2014) and the Middle English Local Documents Corpus (MELD) (Stenroos and Thengs 2014). The six suffixes could be attached to the same base with no apparent distinction in meaning, giving way to competing abstract formations. The analysis can shed light and offer fresh insight into the co-occurrence of these contending formations in different Middle English text types, including specialised and more general texts, and help explain their survival or demise.
The aim of this journal article is to study recursivity in terms of morphological process feeding in the formation of Old English, thus dealing with the relationship that holds among the major lexical creation processes of affixation (suffixation and prefixation), compounding and zero-derivation. The analysis is based on the ascription of each of the predicates to one of the morphological processes and the identification of the base and adjunct constituents of each complex predicate. Two main conclusions can be drawn from this research. First, that no relative ordering of processes can be established, and second, that recursive word-formation in Old English outnumbers non-recursive wordformation.
Italian Journal of Linguistics , 2014
This paper investigates the morphology-syntax interface by focusing on the interfixation properties of compound structures. The starting point of this study is the conception that compound formation is a morphological process situated closely to syntax. Evidence is taken from a contrastive analysis between German and Modern Greek compounds. Although these two languages share many morphological properties related to the word-formation process of compounding, they differ in many aspects as far as the existence of a linking element in a compound is concerned. Through the contrastive analysis of the properties of the linking element a clearer picture can be given concerning the closeness of German and Modern Greek compound formations to syntax.