Burnett, Prophecy in Transjordan: Balaam Son of Beor (original) (raw)
References (153)
Biblical Balaam texts locate his activity at Peor (Num 23:28; Num 31:16), which is de- scribed as a mountain along the western Transjordanian Plateau overlooking the plains of Moab (in the Dead Sea-Jordan Valley to the west and northwest) and standing near Mt. Nebo (Deut 34:1-6; Jebel en-Neba, including its western extension Ras eS-Siyaġa. See R. W. Younker, "Peor," EDB, 1028. Tell Dayr ʿAlla lies ca. 30 miles (48 km) to the northwest, in the east Jordan Valley.
See S. Mittmann and G. Schmitt, eds., Tübinger Bibelatlas (Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 2001), map B IV 6.
See B. MacDonald, "East of the Jordan:" Territories and Sites of the Hebrew Scriptures (ASOR Books 6; Boston: ASOR, 2000), 101-56;
T. D. Petter, The Land between the Two Rivers: Early Israelite Identities in Central Transjordan (Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 2014), 35-55.
See K. P. Jackson and J. A. Dearman, "The Text of the Meshaʿ Inscription," and K. P. Jackson, "The Language of the Meshaʿ Inscription," both in Studies in the Mesha Inscription and Moab (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1989), 93-130, here 94, 97. See also, conveniently, the English translation and notes by K. A. D. Smelik in COS 2.23:137-38.
B. Routledge, "The Politics of Mesha: Segmented Identities and State Formation in Iron Age Moab," JESHO 43 (2000) 221-56, especially 237-38.
On the practice of ḥerem (as noun and verb ḥrm, traditionally translated "(put to) the ban," "(devote to) destruction," etc.), which is described in biblical texts as a measure of ritual warfare followed by Israelites (e.g., Deut 7:2; 20:16-18; Josh 6:17-19; 7:1, 11-15; 8:2), see R. de Vaux, Ancient Israel: Its Life and Institutions (trans. J. McHugh; reprinted, Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1997 [1961]), 260-61.
H. J. Franken, Excavations at Tell Deir ʿAlla: The Late Bronze Age Sanctuary (Louvain: Peeters, 1992). Most of the site's Late Bronze pottery, like that from the Iron Age level of the DAPT (Phase IX), was made of clays from the immediate vicinity in the Jordan Valley and from basalt areas of the central and northern Transjordanian Plateau. See Franken, Excavations at Tell Deir ʿAlla, 105-14;
M. M. Ibrahim and G. van der Kooij, "The Archaeology of Deir ʿAlla Phase IX," 16-29, here 22-27. On the distinct social implications of Mycenean pottery in Transjordan, see G. J. van Wijngaarden, "Dots Close Together on a Map: Mycenaean Pottery in the Jordan Valley," in Sacred and Sweet: Studies on the Material Culture of Tell Deir ʿAlla and Tell Abu Sarbut (ed. M. L. Steiner and E. J. van der Steen; ANES 24; Leuven: Peeters, 2008), 53-67.
See H. J. Franken, "Deir ʿAlla, Tell. Archaeology," ABD 2:128. In the original labeling system of the excavations at Tell Dayr ʿAlla, the archaeological stratum of the DAPT, now called Phase IX, was designated Phase M. See E. J. van der Steen, "Introduction: Tell Deir ʿAlla in the Late Bronze and Iron Ages," in Sacred and Sweet: Studies on the Material Culture of Tell Deir ʿAlla and Tell Abu Sarbut (ed. M. L. Steiner and E. J. van der Steen; ANES 24; Leuven: Peeters, 2008), 17-24, here 17-18.
For the information in this paragraph, see Ibrahim and van der Kooij, "The Archaeol- ogy of Deir ʿAlla Phase IX," 26-28.
See B. Oded, "Observations on Methods of Assyrian Rule in Transjordania after the Palestinian Campaign of Tiglath-Pileser III," JNES 29 (1970) 177-86, especially 177-80; Tadmor, The Inscriptions of Tiglath-Pileser III, 138-39, 186-87 n. 3, 192, 281 n. 10, 282; Rainey and Notley, The Sacred Bridge, 230-33.
As suggested by H. O. Thompson, "Balaam in the Bible and at Deir ʿAllā," sidebar to J. A. Hackett, "Some Observations on the Balaam Tradition at Deir ʿAllā," BA 49.4 (Dec 1986), 218-19. against the harmonizing international theology reflected in the DAPT. See pp. 136-42 (I. Rival Kingdoms and Their Gods: Iron Age II in West-Central Transjordan).
See Levine, "Numbers 21-36," 143; Robker, "The Balaam Narrative," 335-38, 344, 363. For the purposes of this discussion, I use the term Priestly to refer both to a Pentateuchal documentary source P and to any subsequent redactional contributions following its influence and characterized by similar vocabulary and concerns.
Although the first location, Bamot-Baal (Num 22:41), has not been securely identi- fied, Pisgah is identified with Râs es-Siyaghah just north of Jebel en-Nebā (Mt. Nebo; cf. Num 21:20; Deut 3:17; etc.), and in any case, the heights described are widely recognized as lying along the Abarim hills overlooking the northeast Dead Sea and Jordan Rift Valley. See F. Ninow, "Pisgah," EDB, 1060; R. W. Younker, "Peor," EDB, 1028.
For the ideal of the Arnon as Israel's southern boundary in Transjordan, see Num 21:13, 24; Deut 2:36-37; 3:8-17; 4:47-49; Josh 12:1; 13:9, 16; Judg 11:18-26; 2 Kgs 10:32-33;
Chr 5:3-8; cf. Isa 16:2b; Jer 48:18-20. See also MacDonald, "East of the Jordan, " 101-55, 171-74. 119. Compare Mesha's statement that in former times the Moabite god Chemosh "was an- gry with his land" (Mesha Inscription, line 5), resulting in Israel's control of that land, the same 124. Most commentators understand only material in Micah 1-3 to derive from late-8th- century times. See, e.g., F. I. Andersen and D. N. Freedman, Micah: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary (AB 24E; New York: Doubleday, 2000) 6-10; J. Jeremias, Die Propheten Joel, Obadja, Jona, Micha (Das Alte Testament Deutsch 24,3; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2007) 114-21;
J. D. Nogalski, The Book of the Twelve: Micah-Malachi (Smyth & Helwys Bible Commentary; Macon, GA: Smyth & Helwys, 2011) 511-14; cf. D. R. Hillers, Micah: A Commentary on the Book of the Prophet Micah (Hermeneia; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1984) 1-9. Mic 6:1-7:7 is often dated to late exilic (see Nogalski, The Book of the Twelve, 512-13) or even postexilic (Jeremias, Die Propheten Joel, Obadja, Jona, Micha, 120 n. 15) times. However, the con- tents of this portion of the book are most relevant to late-8th/early-7th century b.c.e. Jerusalem, especially, the warning of desolation for following "the statutes of Omri and all the works of the house of Ahab" (Mic 6:16) and the elaborate description of social chaos and disintegrating kin- based structures (Mic 7:1-6) as "the faithful have disappeared from the land" (v. 2), a circum- stance already set in motion by the 722/21 b.c.e. fall of Samaria and accelerated by Sennacherib's 701 b.c.e. desolation of Judah. Sennacherib's claim of having deported more than 200,000 people, even if an exaggeration, represents a social disruption of dramatic proportions (as emphasized, for example, by M. S. Smith, The Memoirs of God: History, Memory, and the Experience of the Di- vine in Ancient Israel [Minneapolis, MN: Fortress, 2004] 38-39). This historical horizon matches that reflected in Mic 1-3 (see Nogalski, The Book of the Twelve, 512).
The eschatological character of most of chs. 4-5 suggests a Persian-period date for this material. Compare Nogalski, The Book of the Twelve, 513. Bibliography
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