Political Participation and New Technologies of Communication in Spain (original) (raw)
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IC Revista Científica de Información y Comunicación, 2019
This paper discusses digital communication, activism and political system in Spain from a critical-historical perspective. The results of combined empirical and analytical research indicate that a critical digital public sphere emerged in 2004 affecting the evolution of the political sphere to this day. Traditional parties had a slow and instrumental approach to the digital realm. Conversely, cyber-activism unfolded new options of political action, both in the short and long term, transforming the bipartisan system.
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This paper discusses digital communication, activism and political system in Spain from a critical-historical perspective. The results of combined empirical and analytical research indicate that a critical digital public sphere emerged in 2004 affecting the evolution of the political sphere to this day. Traditional parties had a slow and instrumental approach to the digital realm. Conversely, cyber-activism unfolded new options of political action, both in the short and long term, transforming the bipartisan system.El artículo aborda la comunicación digital, el activismo y el sistema político en España desde una perspectiva crítica-histórica. Los resultados de una investigación empírica y analítica indican que en 2004 surgió una esfera pública digital crítica que afectó la evolución de la esfera política hasta hoy. Los partidos tradicionales se acercaron al entorno digital de manera lenta e instrumental. En cambio, el ciberactivismo abrió nuevas opciones de acción política, a corto ...
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In this article, we analyse the evolution of electoral information flows in Spain in the digital environment. Three post-electoral surveys (2008, 2011 and 2015) among internet users (N 4312) and a series of focus groups enable us to analyse the process of expansion of the Digital Public Sphere (DPS) in Spain. We show that, instead of disintermediation, new intermediations of the electoral information flows appear. The candidacies no longer monopolize the electoral communication, rather, they share spaces in the DPS with personal contacts and civic-social organizations. We observe that, for the first time, in the 2015 elections the influence exercised by the digital media–particularly social media– exceeded the information received directly from people they know, print media and radio. However, television remained the most influential media during the elections. We note that the use of the DPS in electoral campaigns is increasingly hybrid and dialogical. We find that, in the Spanish case, these changes are linked to the emergence of the 15M movement, which encouraged the emergence of internet-based civil organizations. The traditional political players continue to occupy a very significant role as a source of electoral information, but they share space with this new type of civil organizations and with the extensive network of digital contacts. Changes in the Spanish DPS between 2008 and 2015 evidence a greater diversity in information sources and more citizens play an increasingly active role in the creation, modification, and dissemination of political content.
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cim.anadolu.edu.tr
The increasing use of new technologies of the communication has changed the very essence of political process in general and social mobilization in particular. Demonstrations in Spain on March 13 th 2004, taking place after the terrorist attacks in Madrid and three days before a general parliamentary elections, presented an interesting challenge for political communication research. For the first time in Spain's history, and with few other examples around the world, people employed communication technologies in order to create the dynamics of peaceful civil disobedience.
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Introduction Political Communication is often restricted and confined to the area of institutional politics, forgetting public opinion, public sphere and social movements. However, Political Communication ‘is also about understanding and making sense of civic affairs’ (Kaid 2004: 13). Political communication must not be limited to the instrumental communicative strategies from institutions and political parties. It can and should study spontaneous and informal public spheres, considering public conversation, political discussion and collective action. Additionally, it must observe the changes and mutations induced by the appearance of new communicative environments and their impact on political activity.
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Political Communication is often restricted and confined to the area of institutional politics, forgetting public opinion, public sphere and social movements. However, Political Communication ‘is also about understanding and making sense of civic affairs’ (Kaid 2004: 13). One claims that political communication must not be limited to the instrumental communicative strategies from institutions and political parties. It can and should study spontaneous and informal public spheres, considering public conversation, political discussion and collective action. Additionally, it must observe the changes and mutations induced by the appearance of new communicative environments and their impact on political activity