"Between Social Control and Popular Power: The Circulation of Private Guns and Control Policies during the mid to late Qing, 1781-1911" American Journal of Chinese Studies 25(2017), pp. 121-140. (original) (raw)

The Qing government promulgated the new version of the criminal law in 1910, which, unlike the Great Qing Code, loosened the state's grip on private firearms, proposing that any ordinary individuals were permitted to own either bird guns or foreign guns for self-defense purpose as long as they had their weapons registered. This article examines the manifold ways in which the Qing state was gradually impotent to maintain the monopoly on violence and made an adjustment to the new social and political situation. Before the promulgation of this law, most ordinary people were strictly forbidden to carry bird guns. Only a small number of people were allowed to be armed with less sophisticated guns, which not only would not challenge the state authority, but also assisted the state to maintain local order. In the midst of the late Qing chaotic social and political order and the pouring of foreign weapons, the government found it difficult to restrict the diffusion of firearms in local society. The officials gradually recognized the potential of armed civilians in its efforts to combat rebels. This article argues that the Qing's policy on private weapons was determined by the stance between two ideologies: the reliance on social power to defend the localities, and the resolute maintenance of their monopoly of the deadliest forms of weapons. The state's regulation and control over its armed civilians appeared as a dynamic process, hovering between the two ideologies until the end of the dynasty.

“Militia in Modern China: Lessons for Contemporary Conflicts.”

American Journal of Chinese Studies, 2008

This article argues that a broader perspective gained from an examination of the role of militia in modern Chinese history may be instructive to contemporary policy-makers by encouraging them to see the emergence of militia in contemporary conflicts not only as a problem to be resolved but as a potential part of a solution to destabilized political conditions. Militia proliferated in China as a form of community self-defense first in response to widespread rebellion in the mid-nineteenth century and then again in reaction to widespread banditry, warlordism and social conflicts that followed the fall of the last imperial dynasty in the early twentieth century. While successive governments in these periods recognized the potential danger of unrestrained local militarization, they nonetheless either acquiesced to or even actively promoted the formation of militia not only to aid in providing local security but as potential building blocks for the reconstitution of state power. While this required some expedient accommodations with powerful militia leaders, both the imperial state and later Nationalist and Communist Party regimes ultimately found the means to turn militia to their own purposes and to bring them back under state control. Thus this article argues against the tendency to see militia in contemporary conflicts simply as obstacles to political reintegration that must be eliminated. Based on China’s experience the article suggests a more fruitful path would be to explore ways in which militia might be mobilized not only to continue to provide security and services to local communities beyond the reach of the central state but to coopt them into serving as the arms of the state as it reconstitutes its authority over local society.

The Military Dimension of the Chinese Revolution: The New Army and Its Role in the Revolution of 1911. By Edmund S. K. Fung. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 1980. viii, 349 pp. Maps, Tables, Plates, Notes, Appendixes, Bibliography, Index

The Journal of Asian Studies, 1985

Preface vii Introduction 1 I. Army reform and the social order 1. Formation of the New Army 12 2. Administrative reforms and military finances 36 3. Military education and nationalism 62 4. Social attitudes 87 II. Military subversion and mutinies 3. Revolutionary movement in the Hubei army 6. Other armies in the Yangzi region 7. The New Army in south and north China III. The revolution and its aftermath 8. The revolution, 1911-12 9. The state o f the army in 1912-13 10. Implications beyond the revolution Appendix 1. Distribution of the thirty-six divisions projected by the Qing government in 1906 Appendix 2. Distribution of the Chinese army at the outbreak o f the revolution Notes Glossary 313 Bibliography 323 Index 337 PLATES 1. Troops marching towards Hankow Between pp. 2. In camp 230 and 231 3. Artillery in position 4. Hospital corps of the Chinese army 5. Captured rebels 6. Reconstructing a destroyed railway near Hankow army had been subverted by foreign ideas, dom estic influences, traditional grievances and revolutionary propaganda before the revolution. No sooner h ad the revolution broken out than large sections of it in the southern provinces declared for the republican cause. T he Beiyang Army, although politically favourable to a con stitutional monarchy, was also partially disaffected, thus contributing to the undoing of the im perial governm ent. This book is concerned with the New Army and its role in the ultim ate fall of the Qing dynasty. P art I deals with army reform and uprising was not a spontaneous movem ent but th at it was a m ilitary coup, planned and prem editated, even though its actual outbreak was accidental in the sense th at it was forced to take place under the most adverse circum stances after it had been postponed in definitely. A plot was conceived after the C anton uprising of April 1911 and particularly in the following Septem ber to initiate revolu-the yam ens (C hinese civil or m ilita ry courts) a n d th e sym bols of governm ent. T h e re were various ways of in filtra tin g an d su b v e rtin g th e New Arm y. O ne of these was to use the m ilita ry cadets in J a p a n w ho were scheduled to re tu rn to C h in a for service. A su b stan tia l p ro p o rtio n of them jo in e d th e T o n g m e n g h u i a t th e tim e of its fo u n d in g. In 1906 1911 th at the alienated constitutionalists and provincial assemblymen threw in their lot with the revolutionaries, realising that they now had a better chance of succeeding th an at any previous time. The army officers welcomed the defection of the provincial assemblymen and collaborated with them , a strategy which contributed to the rapid collapse of M anchu power. This collaboration began with the establishm ent of the Hubei military governm ent, and it soon becam e a pattern of revolution in m any provinces which declared their independence. T he army officers represented a section of the new Chinese elite by virtue of their family backgrounds, m odern education, professional training, nationalistic aspirations and their m odernising outlook, all of which distinguished them from traditional officers. It is true th at they cam e from lower social levels than the intellectual elite, as m en of real 113 students, merchants and gentry leaders, all found the cost of military reforms too high. T he ever increasing tax had become so intolerable that anti-tax revolts occurred in many places and the powers of the central government to raise taxes were seriously challenged. * The Im perial G uard Corps was not contem plated at the time. **Jiangbei (northern Jiangsu) was to be under a special provincial general residing at Q ingjiangpu. Kang Jiantong (K'ang Chientang) *Katö Hiroyuki JP ke (k' o) n Kexue buxisuo (K 'o-hsiieh pu-hsi sojnmm^m Kong Geng (K'ung Keng) *kyoken ®

Chinese Military Institutions in the Mid-Nineteenth Century, 1850–1860

An early (1974) effort to evaluate the Qing military establishment as it existed in the first decade of the Taiping Rebellion, before Western assistance became a significant factor in the dynasty's military affairs. As the introduction indicates, this article was designed as a partial corrective to the pervasive idea of "China's response to the West," which, I argued, made Chinese institutions in the late Qing period "difficult to see for themselves." That is, by focusing too narrowly on institutional changes inspired by the West we may run the risk of ignoring or underestimating the importance of indigenous trends in China.

"Bringing Chinese Law in Line with Western Standards? Problematizing 'Chinese' and 'Western' in the Late Qing Debate over the New Criminal Code of Great Qing," Frontiers of History in China, 16.1 (2021), pp.39-72.

2021

This article examines the intense debates over the New Criminal Code of Great Qing (Da-Qing xin xinglü) in the National Assembly (Zizheng yuan) during the Qing empire's New Policy Reform (1901-11). The focus is on the conflict between those who drafted and supported the new code and those who expressed reservations, especially over reform of the laws on filial piety and fornication. The issue of reconfiguring the family and social order through law was closely related to the overarching agenda of twentieth century legal reform in China-making an empire that "ruled through the principle of filial piety" into a modern nation-state that had direct relationships with its citizens. More importantly, an analysis of the late Qing debate over family law enables this article to problematize such concepts as "Chinese" and "Western" during this crucial moment of China's empire-to-nation transformation. It showcases the paradox of China's modern-era reforms-a contradiction between imposing Western-inspired order with a largely indigenous logic and maintaining existing sociopolitical order in the name of preserving national identity.

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