Abidin Temizer 1852-1853 Osmanlı-Karadağ Askeri Harekatı (original) (raw)

McMaster University, The Ottomans and the World Around Them, HIST 3A03 Syllabus

This course surveys aspects of the interactions of the Ottoman Empire with Europeans and non-Europeans in the Mediterranean and Black Sea from the 1300s to 1900s. We will explore significant historical themes, such as arrival of the Turks to the Middle East, the emergence of the Ottoman state in Asia Minor, its definitive establishment in the Eastern Mediterranean, and its transformation between 1700 and 1900. During the term, we will also look closer at Ottoman state institutions, and significant historical events and figures in the larger Middle East. However, the course is not designed to recount the military victories of the Ottoman state and statesmen. We will instead focus on, and analyze, the continuous political, social and economic dialogue that existed between the Ottoman Empire and the outside world.

Avam ve Lordlar Kamarasında Türkiye ile ilgili müzakereler 1833-1842

on being called on by the Speaker, said, that before he proceeded with the Motion of which he had given notice, he wished to ask whether any Government existed? * §Lord Althorp who had just entered the House and taken his seat, replied, "Here we are." §Mr. Henry L. Bulwer said, it did not follow because they were there, that they constituted a Government; but, as he presumed, from the noble Lord's answer, that he must consider them as yet in power, he would proceed with the Motion which he rose to bring forward. He begged in the first instance, to assure the noble Lord, that he made his Motion without any hostility to the Government, since he had never heard one word from the noble Lord in the House which did not do honour to his situation, and because from every opportunity he had had of knowing what the noble Lord had done out of the House, he believed, the conduct of the noble Lord to have been all that could be desired. But whatever confidence he had in Government, he thought that when such great events took place as those which threatened a complete change of the political relations of Europe, it could not, be supposed that this country viewed them with indifference, nor that the House was not anxious to be acquainted with the policy of the * In consequence of the Ministers having been defeated in the House of Lords on the Local Courts' Bill, various rumours had prevailed during the week of changes in the Administration. Hence Mr. Bulwer's question.571 Government directing its affairs. What he had to say, he should say in a very few words. In the first place, he did not consider that it was the intention of Russia to take present possession of Turkey. The destinies of nations were not changed by a coup de main. He looked upon its conduct merely as a proof and a developement of its plans, and not as their completion. By the Treaty of Adrianople, Russia with the same consummate policy which had ever directed her affairs, showed a generous abnegation of territorial acquisition in Turkey, in order that she might more widely and safely extend her moral power over that country. She made her agents, however, independent of the Turkish authorities, and even assumed the right of naming for a time the Turkish authorities themselves. The Sublime Porte was degraded in the eyes of its subjects, and the prestige which formerly hung around it was gone. This was all that Russia wanted. A government that depreciates itself cannot stand by itself, and its territories must soon become the province of another. The disgrace of the Porte naturally occasioned a variety of insurrections among its subjects; Mehemet Ali, of those subjects, was at first the most powerful, and afterwards the most formidable, and on the part of France was his revolt stimulated, as it was said by some of no contemptible nature. His army, at first forced to retreat, vanquished the brave but imprudent Hussein Pacha. The fate of the Sultan and of his capital depended on a battle which his general was likely to lose; and Russia offered herself at once as his protector and supporter, and was accepted. Admiral Roussin arrived at Constantinople, and engaged for the retreat of the Pacha on certain terms, which included the refusal of Russian assistance. To this 5 Russia refused her consent-" you have asked for me, and you shall have me," she says; her troops marched accordingly on Constantinople. It was impossible not to admire the talent of a cabinet which actually compelled the Power it was determined to destroy, to receive it to its bosom as its best and its dearest friend. But he begged the House to observe, that in all these transactions of France on one side, and Russia on the other, we appeared as cyphers, and as far as the public knew anything, the whole fate of the East was about to be changed without our 572 knowing more of the matter than if we had been some petty German principality. But Russia excused herself, he understood, in this manner, and here it was that the House required a satisfactory explanation from the noble Lord. It was said, that some time previous to the Russian expedition, or consent of assistance, she informed us, and the Porte specially informed us, that events were taking place in Asia which would oblige the Porte to have recourse to foreign interference, and that we were asked by both parties to put a stop to Mehemet's progress, which a note from us-a mere note from us-would have been able to do. That this note we delayed writing, and that thus Russia was forced to take the part she took. He mentioned this, in order that the noble Lord might explain the fact, or that the papers might be produced which would afford the explanation. The affair ended by Mehemet accepting the conditions the public were acquainted with, and the Russians, he presumed, were to withdraw from Constantinople, as the noble Lord said, or he would not otherwise surely have struck so strong upon the string of non-interference. Russia was to retire from Turkey; but what of that? If Russia retreated home, the mischief was done. Her moral ascendancy over Turkey was increased-it was for the increase of this moral ascendancy that she marched into Turkey. She meant, and wanted at this moment nothing more. Since 1776, Russia had extended herself over two-thirds of the coast of the Black Sea. Of the eleven millions of inhabitants in Turkey, three millions of Greeks and Armenians were attached to her yoke. By her commercial relations with different parts of the Continent, she had endeavoured to connect their interests with her, and by her power and magnificence, which with an oriental people had great sway, she had also endeavoured to obtain a strong hold over their imagination. Working with such materials and such means, she expected that if the Turkish empire dissolved, it would naturally fall into her possession, and with the consummate policy for which she was remarkable, she understood the art of waiting upon events, the termination of which she contented herself with calmly and deliberately preparing. Ultimately looking to the Dardanelles, her next step would probably be to get possession of Trebizond, which 573 would give a dépôt for her military stores, and open an easy access to Persia or Turkey for her armies. This being the state of things, it seemed pretty clear, that if they were allowed to continue, with the immense power and concentrated designs of Russia, the weak and divided government of Turkey, that important part of the world, unless other influences interfered to prevent it, would necessarily fall under her sway. With these important changes before the House, to which he presumed the Government had cast the considerate eye of statesmen, the country, he thought, in a matter so important to its interests, might fairly claim to know the general outline of the policy of Ministers. This became a still more reasonable expectation, since the views of another party, rival candidates for power, were well known. A noble Lord, with whose general views he disagreed, but of whose character he entertained a high opinion, and whose kindness he had personally to acknowledge, had stated on a former occasion, that he did consider the diminution of Turkey for the aggrandisement of Russia an object of serious alarm to this country, which it would be his duty to prevent; some persons, however, were of a contrary opinion, and seemed rather to favour the idea of Russian dominion in the East as favourable to the general civilization, and to the happiness of the people of that part of the world. He acknowledged that, of all ideas, this seemed to him the most singular of any that ever entered the brain of any man acquainted with history. But as his opinions were briefly explained in an able and eloquent passage of a 7 friendship, or turn aside from her course by courteous remonstrances. If we wished to stop her-if we deemed it our policy to stop her while it was yet time, we must do so by employing the same language and maintaining the same bearing to her that she maintained to us. He would not insult or offend her, and he owned that the vote of the other night was, under all circumstances, a difficult one to decide upon; but, at the same time, he thought we should not shrink, or seem to shrink, from expressing an opinion fairly and openly upon her policy, and a determination to resist her further aggrandisement and aggressions. He thought we should not shrink from doing this, nor from averring that we did this; since, in spite of what might be said to the contrary, the great power of England on the Continent was a moral power, and she could influence the conduct of its sovereigns by influencing 576 the opinions of their subjects. For this reason, also, he asked for the papers for which he should conclude by moving; and it seemed to him more especially his duty at the present time; because, while he felt the more dread at the progress of Russia-because, with her progress, her principles would advance also-he found that there were princes who, for the sake of those principles which they imagined favourable to their personal interests, winked at an ambition which must be finally fatal to the independence of their subjects. No longer ago than last Christmas, it was pretty generally reported that Count Appony, the Austrian Ambassador at Paris, stated-in speaking on the affairs of the East-that his Court had a greater apprehension of French principles than Russian ambition. Here, then, was a new hinge for politics. It was no longer the power of a state, but the opinions of a state, which were dreaded; and those opinions were the opinions of an enlightened country, with whom, on account of corresponding views and ideas, we had entered into alliance. Moreover, he found, that the enlightened opinions to which Russia was inimical, had been combated, and combated successfully over different parts of Europe. They were put down in Italy, in defiance of the most able and...