N. Camilleri_Citizenship Policy in the German and Italian Colonial Empires.pdf (original) (raw)
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CFP Citizens and Subjects in the Italian Colonies, 2019
The Department of Social Sciences of the Università degli Studi di Napoli Federico II, the Department of Historical Studies of the Università degli Studi di Milano, together with the PRIN-2015 “War and citizenship. Redrawing the boundaries of citizenship in the First World War and its aftermath” organize a Workshop to be held on 20-21 June, in Naples. This workshop seeks to bring together scholars of citizenship in the Italian colonial context and aims at inserting the Italian experience in a broad comparative frame. Deadline: 28 February 2019
A History of Italian Citizenship Laws during the Era of the Monarchy (1861-1946
This article aims to present the evolution of Italian citizenship from political unification to the end of the Second World War, which in Italy corresponds with the end of the monarchy and the advent of the Republic. In this long period, the central definition of Italian citizenship was given by the Civil Code (1865), the basis of which was Ius sanguinis and the patrilineal system. The 1912 Law on Citizenship changed some aspects of the previous legislation, but did not alter the general legal scenario, despite great pressure from some organised movements such as those formed by Italian expatriates in the Americas. With the advent of fascism (1922), the discourse on the Italian nation became radicalised, but Mussolini's regime did not pass any organic laws on citizenship. The innovations introduced under fascism were relatively modest ; many were directed towards limiting the rights of particular categories of citizens , such as political opponents and Jewish people. Italy reached the beginning of the republican period with a legal apparatus on citizenship that was very similar to the one established for the first time in the Civil Code of 1865. This shows how Ital-ian political classes have given more attention to the orthodoxy of the law than to the need to adapt it to the numerous transformations in Italian society.
The difference that empire makes: institutions and politics of citizenship in Germany and Austria
Citizenship Studies, 2009
Austria has had much higher naturalization rates than Germany. Two arguments are made based on institutional regime theory and left political power. First, the imperial experiences of the Austro-Hungarian Empire that colonized 11 different nations explains Austria's relative openness, and the monocultural experience of the German Reich that tried to impose German language and culture on partitioned Poland casts light on Austria's open and Germany's rather closed approach to ethnic integration. This first argument covers initial state formation focusing on ethnicity, the Austrian colonization versus German occupation, different ethnicities and languages in the military and bureaucracy, and comparisons involving the partition of Poland and religion in Bavaria. The second argument is a political analysis of legislation concerning how institutionalized regime types and left/green party power influenced the naturalization policies that were enacted into law from 1946 to 2005. The post-World War II analysis shows the positive effects of left/green party power on naturalization, but the institutional regime hypothesis is still necessary to fully explain these differences. In the end, regime differences, and in the later period, left/green party power demonstrate why these two very similar countries have such different naturalization policies.
Journal of Modern History, 2022
This article probes the consequences of basing post–World War I citizenship regimes on the Habsburg imperial network system for the control of mobility, a system known among specialists as Heimatrecht or pertinency. To date most of the historiography has focused on what this meant for national minorities in nationalizing states, with the most important studies thus far looking at the experience of Jews in Austria and Poland. We argue that though the national exclusionary tools of postwar pertinency are of undoubted importance, a larger, social trauma was experienced through post-Habsburg Europe, one that affected far more people and left many facing the consequences of potential statelessness. This article focuses on how postwar pertinency affected the worlds of work, welfare, and expulsion in the immigrant-rich industrial port town of Fiume, Europe’s smallest postwar successor state.
2000
The argument of this paper is that several empirical puzzles in the citizenship literature are rooted in the failure to distinguish between the mainly legal concept of nationality and the broader, political concept of citizenship. Using this distinction, the paper analysis the evolution of German and American nationality laws over the last 200 years. The historical development of both legal structures shows strong communalities. With the emergence of the modern system of nation states, the attribution of nationality to newborn children is ascribed either via the principle of descent or place of birth. With regard to the naturalization of adults, there is an increasing ethnization of law, which means that the increasing complexities of naturalization criteria are more and more structured along ethnic ideas. Although every nation building process shows some elements of ethnic self-description, it is difficult to use the legal principles of ius sanguinis and ius soli as indicators of e...
Citizenship in the Renaissance
Chapter 18 from the City of Reason vol 3 Universitas by Dr Peter Critchley This paper argues that whilst each urban creation in the period of the Renaissance evinced a great deal of individuality, taken together these units formed part of a system, each basically alike in the fundamentals of their laws and society. This was not the old idealistic citizenship reborn but its reworking to fit a new age of republican government. The new citizenship was a two edged sword. For the new financial opportunities from which citizens sought to benefit was accompanied by the growth of princely power. As citizens felt their power or possibility of power to be increasing, the prince was extending his power over individuals, turning the new citizens into subjects. The main drivers in this development are political and military. In city states like Verona, Bologna, Florence, and Milan and others, some dynast or other, helped by family, friends, and dependents, succeeded in establishing his authority to the detriment of republican institutions. Whilst less visible, the administrative and legal side of this transition is decisive in driving and consolidating the transition. The prince’s actions proceeded and city and country were integrated through the specific acts and judgements of lawyers and bureaucrats. Thus, the conception of a public citizenship, which depended upon birth or definite act of will of the individual citizen, was undermined by mutually reinforcing developments. The pursuit of material, legal and political benefit on the part of individuals involved citizens in a greater reliance upon the prince. At the same time, the prince was establishing the principle that he, by his act of will alone, could make or break the relationship between the citizen and the community. The relation of citizen to community, therefore, was not the product of citizen action and discourse but of the will of the prince. Not collective control but the individual will of the prince could create or destroy this relation between citizen and community. As individuals identified citizenship with individual benefits, the principle of princely power was being extended over wider and wider territories. Far from the new citizenship creating republican institutions, these developments were building the legal omnicompetence of the modern state which centralised power.
… : an international e-journal for critical geographies., 2003
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