Enacting African American Legislative Voice .pdf (original) (raw)
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2018
This paper builds on a previous study where the voices of African American educational lobbyists were examined and interpreted. Through describing how they interpret their acts of lobbying, tenets of Reverse Interest Convergence were found when lobbying for African American educational achievement. (Griffen, 2017) Furthermore, three specific recommendations were provided to fill the need for the specific recruitment and development of African American educational lobbyists: 1.Mentoring for African American Lobbyists; 2. Providing Legislative Process and Advocacy Courses in High School; and 3. Developing Internship Opportunities in Lobbying Fields of Choice for African Americans (p. 65). As a result of mentorship practices that successful lobbyists receive (Vance, 2012), these lobbyists’ discipleship will allow prospective lobbyists to experience the operational attributes, characteristics, and strategies one uses to become an effective lobbyist (McGrath, 2007; McGrath, 2006, Hall & ...
2015
To the 2010 cohort, we are almost finished. I thank you for the laughter, the candor, the disagreements and most importantly the journey. Together, we have accomplished a lot in 5 years. But, our journey is nowhere near complete. I thank you for staying the course with me. To the Sierra High School and Grantham Academy faculty and staff and parents and students, you are an amazing group with whom I am allowed to work. I thank you for accepting me into your community and for recognizing the passion I have for learning and educating. I thank you for your support in me finishing this study.
National Journal of Urban Education and Practice, 2017
This study explored the complex set of factors surrounding the world of four African American educational lobbyists by presenting their varied perspectives and meanings of how they interpret their role in education. African American educational lobbyists are at a distinct disadvantage in their ever changing social and political environments due to limited mobilized interests for education and the limits of African American representation in the legislative process. The following question guided this study: How do these African American educational lobbyists describe their influence or impact on education? Reverse Interest Convergence is introduced as a strategy utilized by African American educational lobbyists in their attempt to impact and influence education for Black and Brown children academically, socially and economically. Through reporting the experiences of African American educational lobbyists, we are able to hear their voices as they relate to their impact on education and thus allow them to discover their invisibility (Dubois, 1938).
Interest Groups & Advocacy, 2015
In this article, we make the case that there is a critical set of knowledge, skills and abilities that can be taught to pre-and early-career lobbyists at the graduate professional training level. We acknowledge that, as with any profession, there are intrinsic personal qualities and life experiences that improve the ability of lobbyists to represent their clients and contribute to the policy process. Yet, we also identify three basic areas of lobbying in the literature that can structure a curriculum to prepare prospective professional lobbyists to be effective and ethical advocates for their clients' interests. First, recent research on interest group politics and lobbying can offer students and practitioners insight into the structure and dynamics of lobbying communities. Second, the literature highlights three useful kinds of knowledgepolitical process, substantive policy and analyticthat can be systematically taught. Third, the consensus among political scientists that lobbying plays primarily an informational role implies that students should master oral and written communication strategies for effective advocacy. And finally, best practices in building and maintaining relationships with stakeholders in the policy world can be modeled. We then recommend a curriculum that offers training in these areas through a combination of seminars, simulations and a practicum experience that may be delivered in person, online or through a hybrid course.
2010
My project analyzes how the intersectional identities and subgroup membership of female Black legislators in the Maryland state legislature shapes their legislative decisions in comparison to White men, White women, and Black men. Specifically the dissertation focuses on the role that identity plays in legislative decision making and representation. Specifically, my dissertation explores the complexities of representing the intersections of race, gender, and class in policy deliberations by investigating how Black female office holders legislate "intersectional issues1" that are pertinent to members of marginally disadvantaged subgroups. I utilize in-depth elite interviews, case studies, and participant observation to investigate how members of the Maryland state legislature articulate the factors they include in the legislative decision making process iii Acknowledgement and Dedication
Partisanship, Structure and Representation: The Puzzle of African American Education Politics
T he 1982 amendments to the Voting Rights Act targeted electoral structures as significant determinants of minority representation. The research regarding electoral structures and representation of constituents, however, has produced conflicting results, and the continued application of some of the provisions set forth in the Voting Rights Act is in doubt. This article addresses the impact of at-large elections on African American representation and reveals a striking and unanticipated finding: African Americans are now overrepresented on school boards that have at-large elections when African Americans are a minority of the population. Using the 1,800 largest school districts in the United States (based on original surveys conducted in 2001, 2004, and 2008), we find that partisanship changes the relationship between electoral structures and race to benefit African American representation.
2010
ii Acknowledgement and Dedication iii Chapter One: Identities Matter 1 Chapter Two: Identity and the Decision Making Process 44 Chapter Three: Black Women‟s Legislative Influence 70 Chapter Four – Who‟s Worth Representing? Advanced Marginalization in the Context of Representation 103 Chapter Five: Anti-domestic violence legislation 138 Conclusion Chapter: Findings & Implications for Future Research 161 Appendix A – Methods 185 Appendix – B 198 Appendix C: Recruitment letter 200 Footnotes 201 Acknowledgement of Previous Publications 204 Bibliography 205 Curriculum Vitae 230
There is growing numbers of African American scholars and political activists who are voicing their disappointment that President Obama has not put forth a black legislative agenda. It appears that their criticism holds the President disproportionately responsible for the lack of progress in addressing the social and economic concerns that have plagued the African American community for generations. However , to date it appears that these critics have not published an explanation of how Congressional obstruction by House and Senate Republicans, as well as Democratic Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid's failure to negotiate filibuster reform prevents the President from successfully navigating any legislation in Congress as well as and judicial and executive nominations that, if passed, would support the infrastructure needed to more successfully promote broad social reform for economically vulnerable Americans. In this paper, I will explain that while there are numerous legitimate issues of concern for the black community, the insistence of a presidential or Congressional black agenda is a political non-starter. I will also argue that the failure to explain the complexities related to Congressional obstruction is promoting a disservice and undermining the capacity of community activists and political allies from engaging in collaborative political action with constituencies with similar concerns to put forth an agenda that can accomplish much needed social change. The insistence of a black agenda also undermines the opportunity to strengthen African American electoral turnout in party primaries, mid-term elections, and state and local elections. It also weakens the focus on other pipelines that allow politicians to come to Congress with the intent of rolling back social and political development for all people of color. The African American community can achieve many of their goals by supporting a political agenda that benefits their community by engaging in effective collective action for vulnerable low and middle-income voters who need banking and housing reform, immigration reform, stronger employment rights, as well as increased protection for the rights of women. JEL Codes: D72
Race Ethnicity and Education, 2020
The potential for cross-racial coalitions between minoritized communities in educational advocacy and policymaking is enhanced as communities become increasingly diverse. In this qualitative case study, we use interviews and archival data to explore coalition politics between Black and Latinx community leaders in a large, metropolitan school district in the U.S. Mountain West. Utilizing postcolonial feminist theory and critical race theory, we explore how and why Black and Latinx communities engage (or not) in coalition politics to advocate for educational equity. We found that although these communities rarely engaged in coalition politics, they sometimes developed what we termed micro-coalitions. This is a small, yet powerful and promising coalition grounded in a deep understanding of historical racial injustices and explicit efforts to navigate tensions and support both communities. We further highlight how district and state leaders leveraged existing tensions and adopted broadened but weakened policies to appease these communities.
RESOURCES AND THE REPRESENTATION OF AFRICAN AMERICANS IN THE STATE LEGISLATURE
Southeastern Political Review, 2008
The purpose'of this research note is to examine the relationship between African American resources and African American representation. Typically scholars have focused on structural and institutional arrangements in understanding the representation of African Americans. However; due to pressure from minoriv groups and federal legislation these arrangements are no longer consistent explanations. Thisjinding warrants that scholars consider factors outside these arrangements in order to understand representation. In this research note, the economic, organizational, and educational factors are examined within the context of African American resources as a possible explanation of African American representation.