Institutions, Political Culture Development and current Perspectives on Democratisation in Africa RL Vol X No 12 MMVII (original) (raw)

Beyond the Liberal Democracy Paradigm: A Fresh Look at Power and Institutions

African Studies Review, 2016

Compared to political developments in Eastern Europe and Latin America, democratization in sub-Saharan Africa has been more problematic and uneven. Looking at the performance in four subregions-central Africa, East Africa, southern Africa, and West Africa-yields no convincing evidence of a "wave" of democratization; countries next to each other differ considerably with regard to their Freedom House scores. This does not mean that democratization has necessarily stalled, but it does demonstrate that the prevailing vertical cleavages along ethnic, racial, or religious lines can make such a transition volatile, as suggested by the cases of Burundi, Mali, and even Kenya. While political competition in mature democracies, typically divided along horizontal group or class lines, tends to generate positive-sum outcomes, such competition in Africa easily turns into "prisoner's dilemma" games. The uncertainty about the value of cooperation in such situations usually produces political "truces" that are easily abandoned if the costs of adherence exceed the benefits. Against the background of this prevailing political logic, this article calls for a new approach to conceptualizing notions of "institution" and "power" in the analysis of politics in the region.

The Role of Political Institutions in Africa In Building Democratic Governments

Al Hikmah International Journal of Islamic Studies and Human Sciences, 2021

The “third wave” of democratization, which saw the fall of old authoritarian regimes across Africa, as well as the introduction of multiparty elections and other significant new changes, has faded. Today, we are witnessing a reversal of democratic gains in favour of dictatorship, resulting in political instability and severe outbreaks of violence in Ethiopia, Mozambique, Kenya, the Ivory Coast, Nigeria, and elsewhere. This article seeks explanation for the failures of the democratization process in Africa, focusing on the challenging role of political institutions in determining the nature of transition trajectories, reviewing its significance, and justifying why this factor is important when analyzing the success or failure of democratization. The paper sought to provide a more robust understanding of Africa's democratization failure and the thorny issue of a transitional path toward good governance. The study found that the progress of the democratic transition process at any ...

Developing Political Culture in Fledgling African Democracies - RL Vol XI No XLIII, CXXIV, MMXVII

At the dawn of political liberalisation in Africa, students, churches and labour unions are among civil society organisations that played a crucial role in resisting arbitrariness. These organisations have been spearheading the democratic struggle well before the recognition of political parties & induction of pluralism. The leading role in the transition was without doubt played by the press, the private press in particular, which reported daily on what was stake in the repression of the pro-democracy struggle. Better yet the interdictions, the multiple trials against journalists have not dampened the combative fervour of a free press. It is assumed that the inception of transition signifies the end of a stable set of rules that depict the previous regime, and that the completion of the transition is marked by the establishment of a new rule equilibrium. Nonetheless, ethnic and religious purchased elections are prescription to perpetuate the new tyrants. Political participation is not just a casting of votes-it is a way of life, hence, elections are vital, but not a sufficient, condition for democracy. Electoral bodies should develop extensive indicators for democratic political culture development where the key to transition is the endowment of political rules and institutions conducive to democratic transition (Costantinos, 1996). Good economic performance decreases the probability of losing while the provision of public goods in the election period affects the probability to accept an election outcome. High tertiary education enrolment, ethnic religious fractionalisation increase the probability of contestation of election results by the challenger when the incumbent claims victory (Ncube, 2013). Political factors, such as the strength of the opposition, multi-party system, civil incumbent and power alternation increase the probability of the challenger winning and taking over power. Abundant natural resources increase the probability of incumbent losing but then deciding to cling to power, where empirical evidence also shows that the type of former-colonizer of the country matters.