Peacekeeping, Latin America and the UN Charter's Chapter VIII: Past initiatives and future prospects (original) (raw)
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Regional Security Mechanisms and Peacekeeping Operations From a Latin American Perspective
In a matter of a decade (2000-2010) the number of Latin American military personnel involved in worldwide peacekeeping operations (PKO) grew from 700 to 7.500, from which almost 5,000 are now stationed in Haiti. As the single U.N. peace mission in the Americas, the Haiti operation is also the first in which the majority of peacekeepers come from Latin American countries. In addition to its contribution to conflict management, the mission is also relevant for being one in which actors -who share several common traits but also diverge in many others -are developing higher levels of regional cooperation to deal with a regional problem. Moreover, with their decade-long military presence in Haiti, the actors are taking advantage of the experience to create novel mechanisms of regional security in Latin America. Having as starting point the involvement of the Latin American military in the Haitian PKO, this paper assesses the scope of the initiatives taken more recently by governments in ...
Austral: Brazilian Journal of Strategy and International Relations, 2021
Latin America is relatively one of the least conflict-ridden regions in the world. It is a relatively peaceful continent. South America has especially been one of the most peaceful places in terms of the absence of direct violence and interstate wars. There have been bilateral or trilateral conflicts between the neighbors. Most of the conflicts in Latin America is categorized under internal and intra-state conflicts. Since the 1935 Chaco War between Paraguay and Bolivia, inter-state conflicts have rarely occurred among the Latin America countries. Also, the longest interstate dispute in the world happened in Latin America between Ecuador and Peru, which started in 1809 and finished in 1998. War has been the exception rather than the rule since 1883 in Latin America. The last inter-state conflict in the region was the Falkland/Malvinas War between an outside power and a regional middle power, namely the Great Britain and Argentina. The relation between peace efforts of the United Nations and international politics in Latin America today requires our attention and calls for serious reflection and study. Changes in Latin America have been remarkably rapid and widespread since the end of the Cold War. As a result, it is necessary to give scholarly attention to the explanation and understanding of conflict, peace and the role of the United Nations in Latin America. Significant continuity is also visible in the institutions, ideas, and perspectives about conflict and peace in Latin America (Özçelik 2018). Much of the conflict in Latin America has been explained within the meaning of poverty and the proper place of poor in modern Latin America society and politics. If a scholar properly defines the poor and shed lights on the proper explanation of poverty, it becomes easier to find and solve the root causes of conflicts in Latin America (Özçelik 2016). In the present day of globalization and Industry 4.0 (4th Industry revolution), new threats and challenges generate new types of conflicts and violence. The list of current and future global threats and challenges have become longer with the end of the Cold War: Transnational terrorism, weapons of mass destruction (WMD), organized crime, global health epidemics, AIDS, population boom, drought, climate change, regional conflicts, mass migrations, environmental degradation, energy insecurity, poverty, failed states, pollution, global economic crises, human rights abuses, crimes against humanity, genocide, war crimes, etc. (Özçelik 2019). These new threats and challenges may have a capacity to reach every corner of the world. For example, climate change may have disastrous effects on the Caribbean Island nations because they may be wiped out the world map (Özçelik 2015). Peace and stability can be guaranteed in any state anywhere in the world, regardless of how remote and distant that international actor from the international system. The post 9/11 world has opened the Pandora’s box for world affairs. International actors have been moved towards more (neo)-realist and constructivist schools of thoughts that undermines any perception of regional peace and stable future. States more likely look after their own interests, struggle for survival, and rely on self-help system. The United Nations system has weakened because international actors perceive that no state should depend on anyone else for national and international security since security threats and challenges come from new types of enemies most of which are more likely non-state and transnational. Even though many scholars believe that the importance of states has been diminishing in the international system, states may have still searched for alliances, collective security actions, and the United Nation system. Latin America as a sub-regional system has been developing as a zone of peace over the past thirty years (Oelsner 2009). This paper aims to explain the shift in Latin America’s level of conflict and internal violence relative to other regions in the world. It examines a single regional subsystem, Latin America within the framework of conflict and peace as well as the role of the United Nations. First, it aims to shed lights on main transformations and changes in terms of political, economic, social and cultural issues in Latin America. Second, the concept of the zone of peace is examined within the context of Latin America. The main activities of the United Nations in relation to conflict and peace are investigated in the third section. In conclusion, it underlines the lessons learned from conflict and peace processes in Latin America.
Journal of International Peacekeeping, 2017
This article challenges conventional explanations why Colombia, a country emerging from an armed internal conflict but still with multiple challenges, should participate in United Nations’ multidimensional peace operations. While Colombian official rationale maintains that contribution to peacekeeping is a common stage for countries within a post-peace agreement scenario to gain worldwide recognition, to improve legitimacy, and to establish an alternative source of funding, international experience suggests that the occurrence of several other circumstances is necessary before making such a commitment. The results of a statistical analysis show how the level of implementation of the peace agreement, as well as disarmament, demobilization, reintegration, undertaking a citizenship reform, addressing minority rights, and solving issues with criminal groups are fundamental for deciding on participation in peace operations. Additionally, while international missions may be considered a way of enhancing diplomacy, cautious assessments should be made to determine the military capabilities needed to balance national interests and foreign policy without fostering a regional security dilemma.
Latin America is relatively one of the least conflict-ridden regions in the world. It is a relatively peaceful continent. South America has especially been one of the most peaceful places in terms of the absence of direct violence and interstate wars. There have been bilateral or trilateral conflicts between the neighbors. But the most conflicts in Latin America is categorized under internal and intra-state conflicts. Since the 1935 Chaco War between Paraguay and Bolivia, inter-state conflicts have rarely occurred among the Latin America countries. Also, the longest interstate dispute in the worldhas been happened in Latin America between Ecuador and Peru, which started in 1809 and finished in 1998. War has been the exception rather than the rule since 1883 in Latin America. The last inter-state conflict in the region was the Falkland/Malvinas War between an outside power and a regional middle power, namely the Great Britain and Argentina. This chapter seeks to explain the shift in Latin America’s level of conflict and internal violence relative to other regions in the world. It examines a single regional subsystem, Latin America within the framework of conflict and peace as well as the role of the United Nations. First, it aims to shed lights on main transformations and changes in terms of political, economic, social and cultural issues in Latin America. Second, the concept of the zone of peace is examined within the context of Latin America. The main activities of the United Nations in relation to conflict and peace are investigated in the third section. In conclusion, it underlines the lessons learned from conflict and peace processes in Latin America.
The liberal international order is undergoing a major transformation. There are worrying signs of instability across Europe, North Africa, the Middle East and East and Southeast Asia. There are unsettling implications for peacekeeping – from the highest echelons of decision-making to the operational level. There are signs that the world is shifting to a “spheres of influence” model wherein the U.S. is no longer the uncontested global power. Both China and Russia, together with rising powers from the Americas, Africa and Asia, are forging new alliances and developing new rivalries. The likelihood for a major international conflict and deepening internal conflict has risen sharply. The new geometries of power are also presenting serious challenges to collective action – including through the United Nations Security Council and General Assembly, as well as regional entities. The flashpoints are diverse ranging from the sharpening tensions over the South China Sea, confrontation with North Korea or the ongoing conflict in Syria. Meanwhile, arms and ammunition continue pouring in to most peacekeeping theaters. Complex networks of organized crime and extremist actors are also prolonging conflicts. The result is that proponents of peace and security face a wide gamut of old and new challenges with disastrous implications for civilians. The UN has made some headway in addressing these global challenges. The organization has worked to reform and improve the effectiveness of its response mechanisms. In mid-2015, after months of intensive work and consultations with key stakeholders of the peacekeeping community, an expert panel created by the United Nations Secretary General launched the most comprehensive report on the topic in over 15 years (A/70/95-S/2015/446). Since then, the report of the High-Level Independent Panel on Peace Operations (commonly known as the “HIPPO report”) and its wide-ranging set of recommendations on the future of peacekeeping have triggered lively debates not only in New York and Geneva, but also in other parts of the world. In Brazil, in early 2016, the Igarapé Institute held a major event with Pandiá Calógeras Institute (a think tank linked to the Ministry of Defense) on peacekeeping, peacebuilding and the women, peace and security agenda, following the call of the 70th General Assembly. But the first event specifically designed to discuss concrete recommendations of the HIPPO report was only organized in November 2016 by the Igarapé Institute, the Brazilian Peace Operations Joint Training Center (CCOPAB), and the Núcleo de Pesquisa de Relações Internacionais of the University of São Paulo (NUPRI/USP). Five key themes were selected as a starting point for the discussions: (1) tailored peace operations; (2) military engagement in UN peacekeeping; (3) monitoring UN peace operations reform; (4) protecting civilians; and (5) women, peace and security. Over 60 professionals attended the two-day event in Brasília, including military, police, diplomats, UN personnel and researchers. The ideas and recommendations shared during the event are summarized in this note, in the hope that good practices and innovations can be picked up by decision-makers in Brasília, but also in New York and elsewhere.
2016
Over the last decade, Brazil has taken a more substantial role in international peace and security, and has become increasingly involved in UN peace operations. Particularly through its participation in Haiti, leading the military component of the UN Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH), Brazil has underscored its growing engagement in shaping, challenging and adding to conventional practices of conflict management and peace processes. Now, the prospective withdrawal of MINUSTAH, coupled with a current domestic scenario in Brazil of political and economic instability, raises a number of questions about the future of Brazil’s participation and role in peacekeeping. To contribute to critical and well-informed conversations on the challenges and potentials of Brazil’s engagement in peacekeeping amid turbulent landscapes at home and internationally, this policy brief revisits the country’s evolving role and strategic use of peacekeeping, and reflects upon its implementation in light of the normative developments brought by the current international process to review UN peace operations. The brief concludes that a continued peacekeeping presence, despite current difficulties, remains desirable for Brazil.
Discussion Paper, 2021
Based on a state policy perspective, this paper seeks to present the path of Brazil’s participation in United Nations (UN) peace operations, from its genesis in 1947 to the present day, with the intent to comprehend whether there is a progressive and evolutionary pattern in these engagement efforts, and which would be the main challenges, contributions and future orientations to the country in this matter. To this end, in a first moment, the text will bring a conceptual discussion regarding the different definitions and understandings on peace operations. Subsequently, we will analyze the evolution of UN peace operations throughout its 70 years and the Brazilian positions during this period. In a third moment, we will present final considerations, identifying the upcoming challenges and the main possible perspectives for Brazil to engage in future peace operations. The intention, therefore, is to ascertain whether peacekeeping operations, as an instrument of international politics a...