IN SEARCH OF ARAB UNITY (original) (raw)
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International Journal of Middle East Studies, 1991
117 quotes). Also, if the name "Fatah" is to be translated as "conquest," as it is in the Glossary (p. xix), rather than explained as a mere acronym, he should have transliterated it instead as "Fath." Another idiosyncrasy, though lacking any partisan implications, is his insistence on using the Arabic version of the word "Palestine" ("Filastin"), while on the other hand he always says "Palestinian" (never "Filastini") and uses the English names for other countries. Of a more serious nature-but peripheral to the book's main concerns-is the implication (p. 93) that Egypt, not Israel, started the 1967 War. One matter that Professor Shemesh might have clarified is his insistence that the establishment of a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza remains only an "interim aim" and that the "strategic aim" is still a unified democratic Palestine that would replace the Jewish state (p. 323 and passim). Of course, this assertion is fully documented, but he might have at least considered the possibility that, by the end of the period covered in the study, the preponderant factions of the PLO had already come around to acceptance of peace with Israel as an obvious prerequisite to a two-state solution. The PLO has long refrained from explicitly saying so (considering the potential divisiveness of such a statement) without a quid pro quo hoped for at an international peace conference. The author, however, does engage in this kind of analysis in other contexts. He concludes with some prescience that the PLO would "eventually. .. move closer to the Egyptian/Jordanian position in order to maintain momentum" (p. 324), as indeed occurred before the end of the year in which the book was published even without an assurance of anything in return. The Palestinian Entity is a solid piece of scholarship. While the author makes good points about the positions of the parties involved, he states no conclusions that could be deemed remarkable, but the book is more significant for its trees than for its forest. It is a dependable, detailed, documented, analytical treatment of an important subject and, with its chronological perspective, the only one of its kind even if its content overlaps with that of many other works on the Palestinian national movement and Arab affairs generally. Students, scholars, and policymakers concerned with the Palestine question or with Arab foreign policies will find this a valuable reference. Despite its price (£35), its acquisition should be a fairly high priority for university libraries.
The Hikmat Sulayman-Bakir Sidqi government in Iraq, 1936-37, and the Palestine question
Middle Eastern Studies, 1988
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. Preoccupation with the Palestine question began to penetrate the domestic and foreign policy of Iraq in the late 1920s, and principally in the early 1930s. The awareness of the Palestine question in Baghdad, both among politicians and as part of political public opinion, was related to the anti-British feelings aroused by nationalist elements, as well as to the increased Iraqi activity in Syria initiated in the early 1930s by King Feisal I and the pan-Arabist politicians. Identification with the Arabs of Palestine, and the Palestine question in general, became the concrete expression of the pan-Arab facet of anti-British nationalism in Iraq. The strike and the Arab revolt of 1936 in Palestine increased the awareness of the Palestine question, both among the efendya, in Baghdad, and among those politicians of the ruling elite who supported the pan-Arab ideology or used it to strengthen their political position by enlisting the support of the new middle class. Despite the fact that public identification with the Arabs of Palestine and their claims rapidly became a yardstick used by politicians and nationalist segments of the middle class to measure nationalism, awareness of and sympathy toward the Palestine question remained characteristic of a relatively limited stratum in Baghdad and the other large cities. Most of those who favored pan-Arabism and identified with the Arabs of Palestine were, in fact, members of the middle class, concentrated in Baghdad, and comprised but a small minority compared with the largely tribaVrural population of Iraq. At the same time, the pan-Arabists were noted for their political consciousness and involvement, and their place in Iraqi society and politics soon made them extremely influential, due to their role in education, administration, the military, and the press. The politicians of the ruling elite used pan-Arab, anti-British nationalist slogans in their efforts to enlist the support of the efendyas, in order both to strengthen their own position and to undermine that of their rivals, in the framework of the personal power struggles. This enlistment of support by means of pan-Arab slogans, in addition to the influence exerted by pan-Arab activists on the education system and the press, made the Palestine question something of a fixture in Iraqi politics. The Arab strike and revolt in Palestine in 1936 marked a turning point in the nature of the Jewish-Arab conflict in Palestine, and in the involvement of the Arab world in events taking place in that country.
Syllabi - CSUB HIST 416 Spring 2013 The Middle East Since 1923
HIST 416-01 (30209) Modern Middle East (This syllabus is subject to change. Every effort will be made to notify you early of changes. Syllabus V.01 Revised -03 31 2013) Important That You Read This First: 1. This syllabus is subject to change. Every effort will be made to notify you early of changes. 2. To request academic accommodations due to a disability, please contact the Office of Services for Students with Disabilities (SSD) as soon as possible. Their office is located in SA 140, and they may be reached at 661-654-3360 (voice), or 661-654-6288 (TDD). If you have an accommodations letter from the SSD Office documenting that you have a disability, please present the letter to me during my office hours as soon as possible so we can discuss the specific accommodations that you might need in this class.