Une perspective morphomique sur les marqueurs de personne du laze (original) (raw)
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The Basque verb and two approaches to inflectional morphology
1996
Basque is a non-Indo-European language with a richly inflected auxiliary system. The principal pattern of verb inflection is periphrastic, where a main (lexical) verb is marked for aspect, and its auxiliary shows tense, mood and obligatory agreement with all arguments. Basque is morphologically ergative and the arguments of a verb may be in absolutive, ergative or dative case. Auxiliaries inflect in four patterns -intransitive, intransitive with an indirect object, transitive and ditransitive. This, combined with present and past tenses and five moods, gives a large range of morphosyntactic words (1735 different forms).
Himalayan Linguistics, 2019
This paper discusses the agreement system of Thadou in intransitive, transitive and ditransitive clauses. The 1 st person agreement clitic ng (ŋ) occurs post-verbally in intransitives clauses. A transitive verb in Thadou has the same agreement system in affirmative and negative paradigms and may agree with both its A and P or only its A for person and may agree with its A and its P for number. Ditransitive verbs in Thadou occur with both hi and declarative clause ending in e. The difference between a ditransitive verb in hi clause and e clause is that in the case of hi clause the verb occurs in stem 2 form, while the in case of the e clause, the verb occurs in stem 1 form. The hi constructions in Thadou are bi-clausal in structure. That is, they are composed of a subordinate clause followed by the main clause. A ditransitive verb in Thadou agrees with its A for person in the embedded clause and with its T in the main clause and may agree with either the A or T for number.
Koroshi: A Corpus-based Grammatical Description
The Korosh people are scattered across large areas of southern Iran, from Hormozgan all the way to Khuzestan, and onto the Iranian plateau. This group, which numbers over 10,000 people, is found in significant concentrations near Bandar Abbas in Hormozgan Province, in north-western Fars Province around Shiraz, and across the southern part of Fars Province. Although oral accounts situate the provenance of the Korosh in Balochistan, and their language is closely related to southern varieties of Balochi, they have a distinct identity. Some affirm a historical and ethnic connection to the Baloch, but others view themselves as an autonomous tribe; in north-western Fars Province, members of the group maintain an affiliation with the larger Qašqā’i tribal confederacy. The present work contributes to the study of the Korosh through the lens of their language, Koroshi. The corpus for this study has been gathered among speakers of the dialect of Koroshi spoken around Shiraz. The book opens with a brief overview of the Korosh people and their culture. The main part of the study consists of an in-depth, corpus-based description of the phonology and morphosyntax of the Koroshi language; a corpus of seven glossed and translated texts of different genres; and a glossary of more than 1200 items. This documentation is supplemented with a CD containing soundfiles of the texts, a searchable PDF of the book, and images of the Koroshi community.
Complex Scales in Multiargument Agreement
Sebastian Bank, Doreen Georgi & Jochen Trommer (eds.), 2 in Agreement. Linguistische Arbeits Berichte 88, Universität Leipzig, 65-92, 2010
Languages whose agreement morphology is governed by the relative prominence of subject and object sometimes exhibit an agreement pattern that emerges from the interaction of different prominence hierarchies (e.g. person, number, and grammatical function). I show that these data can’t be deduced from simple prominence scales which are well-established (e.g. 1 > 2 > 3; pl > sg; A > P). Therefore I propose a principle-constrained way to construct category-conflating complex scales from single ones (e.g. 1 > 2pl > 2sg > 3). Finally, I introduce a more restricted subtype of hierarchy effect that only takes effect if a hierarchy mismatch is strong enough (crossing of at least two scale positions).
This is a grammatical sketch of the Papuan language, Amele (ISO 639-3 aey). The Amele people live in Madang Province, Papua New Guinea. The sketch follows the Role and Reference Grammar (RRG) model. There is an introduction to the Amele people and language, and there is an introduction to RRG theory. This includes a theory of lexical categories for RRG. There is a phonological sketch which describes the sound system of Amele. There are sections on the patterns of transitivity in the clause, the layered structure of the clause, lexical categories, the structure of RPs and PPs, information (focus) structure, complex sentences, anaphora, reported speech, and morphophonology. Typologically, Amele has head-last syntax and is head-marking. Nominative-accusative agreement is suffixed to the verb stem and up to four arguments can be marked on the verb. There is no passive construction. There are only two major lexical categories, nouns and verbs, with very little overlap between these categories. Amele has inalienably possessed nouns and serial verb constructions. Focus may be expressed morphologically and by incorporation of modifier elements into the verb word. Complex sentences include relative clauses, clausal coordination, clausal core subordination, clausal ad-core subordination, and clausal ad-clausal subordination. Amele has a complex switch-reference system which functions with subordinate and coordinate constructions. Anaphora includes reflexives, reciprocals, anaphora by omission, pronominal anaphora, and tail-head linkage. Amele distinguishes direct and indirect reported speech and these reported speech forms have different functions. The description of morphophonology follows the principles of Lexical Phonology.
AGREEMENT IN KUKI-CHIN LANGUAGES OF BARAK VALLEY
This paper discusses the agreement system of five Kuki-Chin (KC) languages of Barak valley, viz. Saihriem, Hrangkhol, Chorei, Sakachep, and Ronglong. The paper has an introduction, and five sections dedicated to agreement in different contructions: intransitive structures, transitive structures, agreement with the same person, agreement with ditransitive verbs, and agreement in hortative and imperative constructions. The discussion of agreement is further divided into subparts by paradigm; non-future, future and negative; and by languages. As in most KC languages, the Barak valley KC languages exhibit both preverbal and postverbal agreement clitics. The preverbal agreement clitics are homophonous with the possessive pronouns which occur before a noun. In intransitive constructions, the future affirmative paradigm has the same subject agreement clitics as the non-future paradigm. But unlike the non-future paradigm, the agreement clitics occur mostly after the verb and before the future tense marker in the future paradigm. In intransitive constructions, the postverbal agreement clitic shows up only in the future negative paradigm. As in the case of preverbal agreement clitics, the subject NP of an intransitive verb in the future negative paradigm can be dropped, and it can be recovered from its corresponding postverbal agreement clitics. Across the Barak valley KC languages, a transitive verb agrees with its object for the 1st person. Saihriem is the only language which shows number distinction for the second person object. If a verb takes more than one object, one with an inanimate direct object and the other with an indirect human object, the human indirect object takes precedence over the inanimate direct object for agreement. The Imperative construction takes the regular pre-verbal subject agreement marker for 1 st and 3 rd person in both the singular and plural form. On the contrary, the second person does not take any agreement marker. However, the number (singular and plural of the person) is distinguished in the imperative marker itself. 1 Introduction 1 This paper discusses the agreement system of the Kuki-Chin (hereafter KC) languages of Barak valley. Before we delve into the details of the agreement system, two points need to be noted here. First, like many KC languages, the KC languages of Barak valley exhibit an ergative-absolutive system of case marking where the subject of an intransitive verb (S argument) and the object of a transitive verb (O argument) are marked as absolutive, which is zero in these languages. The subject of a transitive verb (A argument), on the other hand, is always the ergative case, marked by in/n.
Nuer (Western Nilotic): a preliminary survey
This is a brief survey of Nuer (naat̪), a Western Nilotic language spoken in South Sudan and Ethiopia. It is based on fieldwork conducted over the past year. It will be published in a handbook of Ethiopian languages, and at the moment it is a very rough draft, so comments are welcome (keeping in mind that it is already well over the word number limit!). We also have plenty of sound files, so feel free to ask for our data!