Open Society justice Foundation (2017) - Against the Odds. CICIG in Guatemala (original) (raw)

CICIG: The Pattern of an External Institution Against the Impunity in Guatemala

This paper discusses the causes that motivated the creation of an external institution by the United Nations in Guatemala, and the non-desired effects of its labor for the Guatemalan government in the last year. The principal objective of this article consist in determinate how this singular commission, with no comparison in the world, may rebuild citizens confidence in their institutions after high levels of corruption and impunity related with the legal and legitimated power actors plus the real power actors in a geostrategic country. Those facts are directly related with the main theme of the Congress, because make the citizens and political class to rethink the governing and to whose interests should the government be responsive, all of this has a particular connection with the maintenance of inequality. The methodological approach consist in the statistics review, opinion surveys about corruption and a brief analysis of how social networking was used by Guatemalan citizens to criticize or support the International Commission against the Impunity – CICIG-before and after it accuses the past Guatemalan president and vice president in the case of organized crime for tax fraud.

The "Cienfuegos Affair" and the Proposal for a New Regional Transnational Criminal Court in Latin America (COPLA)

Opinio Juris, 2021

In October 2020, it was a surprise when the U.S. arrested the former Mexican Defence Secretary, General Salvador Cienfuegos Zepeda, on drug-trafficking and corruption charges, at an airport in Los Angeles, California. The indictment accused Cienfuegos of participating in an international conspiracy to manufacture heroin, cocaine, methamphetamine, and marijuana, to import and distribute them in the U.S., and to launder the proceeds. It also accused Cienfuegos of accepting bribes and colluding with a (previously) little-known criminal organization (H-2) in the Pacific state of Nayarit.

Costa Rica’s Anti-Corruption Trajectory: Strengths and Limitations

In spite of the economic and social policy successes of Latin America’s longest surviving democracy, corruption has become a major problem shaking Costa Ricans’ confidence in appointed and elected public officials. In response to the apparent rise in corruption since the start of the new millennium, governments have introduced new laws and created new agencies to combat corruption at all levels of society, with an emphasis on combating particularism by elected and appointed public officials. This report evaluates the apparent increase in corruption, the efforts to limit, expose, and prosecute corrupt acts, and the factors that have facilitated the rise in corrupt actions on the part of state officials and private citizens. In short, acts of corruption that may have previously gone unnoticed (at least unproven) are now exposed by a more aggressive media and prosecuted by new and/or stronger state anti-corruption agencies and laws in response to multiple major political corruption scandals of the early 2000s. State prosecutors show no deference in their investigations of corruption and/or illicit enrichment by public officials and private figures, no matter how powerful. The only limitation is the level of resources available to these agencies. The contemporary increase in the scope of corruption is not in the quotidian actions of low-level officials directly affecting the lives of ordinary citizens, but in influence trading and manipulation of formal processes. A separate, more recent and growing corruption problem comes from international drug cartels that have amplified their activities and money laundering in Costa Rica that some fear might outstrip the state’s capacity to keep corruption under control.

ICC: Case of Ann Rondeau, et. al / Drug trafficking and human rights violations in Colombia

International Criminal Court Filing, 2020

December 28, 2020 Jennifer Everling Acting Clerk of the Board U.S. Merit Systems Protection Board 1615 M Street, NW Washington, D.C. 20419-0002 Re: 5 C.F.R. § 1201.114(a)(5) 5 C.F.R. § 1201.114(a)(5), (k) and military and drug cartel scandals Dear Ms. Everling, I am filing this today concerning evidence that was not readily available before the record closed in my case (5 C.F.R. § 1201.114(a)(5), (k)). What follows is critical information regarding the nature of, and need for, the Pleading. It significantly expands upon material already submitted earlier this year for your consideration regarding the international scandal that erupted earlier with the arrest in Los Angeles, California, of a former Mexican defense chief and winner of the National Defense University (NDU) William Perry Award, for his alleged role as a key informant for a notorious international drug cartel. The information that I wish to add to the record today includes material not available and/or about which I was unaware before the record closed involving senior-most Department of Defense knowledge of the alleged ties to Colombian drug cartels of another winner of the NDU Perry Award. The information includes recently declassified U.S. government documents and credible press reports detailing allegations about the extent to which former Colombian President Álvaro Uribe Vélez was linked as well to far-right death squads. ...

Lava Jato beyond Borders The Uneven Performance of Anticorruption Judicial Efforts in Latin America

Taiwan Journal of Democracy, 2019

This essay uses an original database to trace the regionalization of the Lava Jato case, following revelations by judicial authorities in the United States in December 2016. It also investigates variation in the progress of national investigative efforts. Corruption investigations inevitably target powerful political and business elites. As a result, the permissiveness of the political environment is crucial to explaining why some chapters of Lava Jato have been able to make more progress than others. This essay acknowledges the relevance of such constraints, but also draws attention to the importance of judicial agency. We argue that the quality of anticorruption investigations is not entirely endogenous to the presence of a favorable political environment; certain choices and prosecutorial strategies can effectively expand narrow limits of political possibility, and help build momentum when there is none. More importantly, even when conditions allow for more independent prosecutorial efforts, judicial actors still need to be willing and able to overcome the many technical obstacles that characterize this type of inquiry. Securing high-quality evidence in information-poor environments, building relations with myriad national and international players, and leveraging media cover are all crucial to guaranteeing progress. We analyze the role of judicial agency in the cases of Ecuador and Peru, where investigators managed to secure a number of crucial victories, and in Mexico, where the investigation failed to deliver results. The essay thus contributes to the scholarly literature on the judicialization of grand corruption.

Corruption in Costa Rica Could the Cochinilla Case Be a Sign of Progress

London School of Economics and Political Science, 2021

is seen as one of the Latin American countries best able to combat corruption, the country's politics have repeatedly been shaken by major scandals in recent decades. But the nature of the investigation into the ongoing Cochinilla Case, involving kickbacks for public-works contracts, may actually be a sign of an increasingly effective anti-corruption drive, write Evelyn Villarreal Fernández (State of the Nation Programme) and Bruce M. Wilson (University of Central Florida).