Whatʼs behind Anwarʼs visit to India Free Mal (original) (raw)

Malaysia 2024: Trials and Trajectories of Anwar Ibrahim's Political Leadership

Asia Maior, 2025

This paper presents an analysis of how debates around reform in Malaysia unfolded in 2024, focusing on Prime Minister Anwar Ibarhim’s efforts to align the government’s trajectory with his political vision, grounded on Islamic values. Domestically, the unity governmen faced mounting pressure to implement a reform agenda that had underpinned its rise to power in 2022. At the same time, it navigated a polarized public debate, seeking to balance Malay dominance with the multiple demands coming from the different sections of society. In this context, Anwar’s emphasis on positive diversity, aiming to quell the periodic emergence of social disparity as a key issue in public discourse, both obscured and reinforced frictions over the dynamics of marginalization and racialization in the country. On the international stage, the Anwar administration continued to rely on the Prime Minister’s identity as a Muslim democrat to pursue a foreign policy that balances regional and global strategic priorities. This approach aimed to secure Malaysia’s diplomatic and economic interests within an increasingly unstable international environment.

The Winding Road to Power: Anwar Ibrahim in Malaysian Politics

Budapest International Research and Critics Institute (BIRCI-Journal) : Humanities and Social Sciences

The relationship between Mahathir Mohamad and Anwar Ibrahim was colorful, from friendship, fellowship to violent conflict and hostilities, even Anwar was slandered with sodomy and jailed and tortured in his cell. Anwar's struggle in Malaysian politics was full of sorrow and bitterness, after being released from prison in 2007, in 2008 he was jailed again on charges of sodomy too. But then he could be free and form an opposition against Najib Razak who replaced Mahathir.In 1997, when he became a finance minister, Anwar Ibrahim supported the steps of the International Monetary Fund (IMF). He saved money by cutting state spending by 18 percent, cutting ministerial salaries, and postponing major projects. The major projects postponed by Anwar Ibrahim included a number of projects that were the mainstay of the development strategy designed by Mahathir Mohamad. In 1998, amid the worsening relationship between Anwar and Mahathir, Newsweek magazine named Anwar the "Asian Leader of ...

VANQUISHING BANQUO'S GHOST: THE ANWAR IBRAHIM AFFAIR AND ITS IMPACT ON MALAYSIAN POLITICS

This paper will examine the Anwar affair, arguing that while it may have begun as a struggle among the Malay elite, it soon became a focus for grievances and discontent among both the Malay community and the Malaysian populace as a whole. Unlike earlier attempts to forge oppositional alliances that transcended the country's ethnic divisions, what was noticeable about the pro-reform movement was its ability to unite Malaysia's diverse opposition parties, culminating in the creation of the multi-ethnic Barisan Alternatif [Alternative Front. Among the factors that contributed to the emergence of this coalition was the growth of non-governmental organisations and alternative media which themselves are a by-product of Malaysia's buoyant economic development under Mahathir's premiership.

The March 2004 General Elections in Malaysia: Looking Beyond the 'Pak Lah' Factor

Kasarinlan: Philippine Journal of Third World Studies, 2005

The mainstream media typically gives credit to the Pak Lah factor in explaining the spectacular electoral victory of Malaysias ruling Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition in the March 2004 general elections. Abdullah Badawi, nicknamed Pak Lah, replaced Malaysias long-time leader Mahathir Mohamad as Malaysias new prime minister. Malaysias voters supposedly became impressed with Abdullahs more endearing public image as well as his impressive reform initiatives. However, this only partially explains the victory. More importantly, the BN always wins because it maintains undemocratic controls over Malaysias electoral politics through its possession of large amounts of capital, its more comprehensive electoral machine, and its control over the mainstream media. Moreover, the Mahathir government abused its powers by arresting prominent opposition leaders under suspicious charges, manipulating the courts, and amending the Election Act to terms favorable to the BN but detrimental to the opposition parties. The war on terrorism provided a further opportunity to advance the prestige of the BN as Mahathir emerged as an international symbol for moderate Islam as well as a leader of the Global South. Finally, the powerful new political culture which the author refers to as developmentalism also plays a prominent role in the Malaysian electorates decision to keep the BN in power. Malaysias recent economic growth and political stability has been perceived to result from the BNs neoliberal policies of privatization, deregulation, and attracting foreign investment. Because of the general improvement in living standards, Malaysians value the development and modernization of their country above ethnicism. Moreover, Malaysians cannot imagine having political stability without BN rule, and the opposition lacks experience in promoting development. Thus, a self-policing system has emerged that has led the Malaysian citizenry to rely on the BN for economic growth and stability.