Българският свети Георги между Киев и Константинопол. (original) (raw)
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The aim of this paper is to examine the representation of the cult of saints in two works written by contemporaries of Metropolitan Peter Mogila, namely in " Paterikon " by Sylvester Kosov and in " Teratugima " by Athanasius Kalnofoyskiy. In spite of the fact that these treatises have many similarities, the pantheons of venerated saints listed in it differ dramatically. The available evidence seems to suggest that in Peter Mogila's time there were two tendencies of the development of spiritual life at Ukrainian lands. The first one was related to the immediate environment of Metropolitan Peter Mogila and is represented by Sylvester Kosov. Followers of this approach intended to recreate the " initial " kiev tradition of veneration of saints, where dominate the cults of Vladimir the great, Metropolitan Michael I of Kiev and some saints from paterikon of the Kiev Cave Monastery. The second approach derives from writings of Peter Mogila's predecessors and is represented by Athanasius Kalnofoyskiy. His adherents lean on the cult of relics, widespread in Kiev Monastery of the Caves; they are also drawn towards spiritual traditions common for Christianas Orthodoxa and accepts cults of Moscow tradition.
2024
The Histriopoli – Constantinopolis road is outlined in the Tabula Peutingeriana near the line of the west coast of the Pont (today's Black Sea). Therefore, in scientific literature, the road has received the definition West Pontic road. Part of it is the section: “(ab) Odessos XI (m. p. usque ad) Erite XVI (usque ad) Templo Iovis XVI (usque ad) Mesembria “. The two terminus stations on this road are located next to the seashore. For the path between them reflected in the Tabula Peutingeriana has two hypotheses. According to the first, the road was built along the coast. According to the second, the road ran on land, at some distance from the seashore. Вased on the data in the Tabula Peutingeriana, according to the Roman road traditions, we prove that the second hypothesis is correct. So far, the authors who support it have correctly located only one of the two intermediate stations – Erite, near the Bliznatsi village, Varna Region. The other way station – Templo Iovis is of unspecified localization. The statement that the path reflected in the Tabula Peutingeriana is inland, parallel to the sea coast is confirmed by the data of the written sources, which certainly describe the coast. The most detailed of these is Plinius: Odessus Milesiorum, flumen Pannysis, oppidum Tetranaulochus, Mons Haemus, Mesembria (Detlefsen 1866, 173). The comparison proves that Tabula Peutingeriana describes a road that does not follow the coast because there is not a single coincidence of objects between the two descriptions. Further on in the study, the strip of land between Varna and Nessebar is traced, within which the Roman road noted in the Tabula Peutingeriana was most probably passed. From Varna (Odessos) to Bliznatsi village, I follow the already established opinion in the literature. To the evidence for the location of Erite (11 m. p. from Odessos) near the last village, I add the fact that about 1.5 km west of the village, in the Lakite locality, Roman and early Byzantine pottery was discovered. Here was probably the Erite way station. The location of the next station, Templo Iovis, according to the standard interpretation of the image of the Tabula Peutingeriana, should be looked for about 2.50 km northeast of the Popovich village, Varna region. This place is 16 m. p. by Erite. After that, the road must have crossed the Eminska Stara planina along the curve of the main ridge of the mountain, which for a short section took the northeast-southwest orientation. After that, the road descended along the southern slope of the Eminska mountain towards to the Sveti Vlas town and along the coast reached Nessebar (Mesembria). This was undoubtedly the main road between Odessos and Mesembria. This is the shortest, maximally straight line between Varna and Nessebar, which uses the most favorable topography possible. This road, for the most part, was reflected in the Tabula Peutingeriana. After the twenty-seventh Roman mile (measured from Odessos), the Tabula Peutingeriana deviated from the main road, for which there was a definite reason. The hypothesis is based on the new interpretation which I make of the image of the Tabula Peutingeriana. Until now it has not been noticed that between Erite and Templo Iovis is another way station marked on the map, but not its name. This unnamed way station was 16 m. p. after Erite. Therefore, we have to locate this station 2.50 km northeast of the Popovich village. After the nameless road station, the road went up the northern slope of the Eminska Stara planina Mountain and reached its main ridge. The diversion ran along the ridge, following a southeasterly direction towards Emine Cape, while the main road ran southwesterly along the other side of the ridge. The deviation from the main road reached Cherkovishteto locality, where on a separate elevation above the ridge, we found remains of a rectangular building and pottery from the II - III century. Here was probably the temple of Iuppiter and the road station of the same name Templo Iovis. The distance between it and the preceding, unnamed way station is not marked in the Tabula Peutingeriana, but according to field measurements it is 9.45 m. p. From the of Cherkovishteto locality, to the coast in the south and along it to Nessebar, the distance is 24 km and completely coincides with the 16 m. p. between Templo Iovis and Mesembria according to the Tabula Peutingeriana. There are many arguments also that the Templo Iovis coincides with the Aristaeum known by Plinius – the temple of Ἀρισταῖος. Ἀρισταῖος ('the noblest', 'the best'), is perfectly appropriate as the epiclesis of Iuppiter, and in the Thracian religious environment represents the highest hypostasis of the Thracian supreme Sun God.
Пътуване на Кюстендилски митрополити до руските земи
Political and spiritual borders on the Balkan Peninsula changed during the Ottoman domination period. The 14th century various state formations were subdued and included in a foreign state. Whereas up to that moment Christianity had been protected and supported by the Orthodoxal rulers, in the new political situation clergy became dependent on the foreign authority professing different faith. The Church lost a part of its properties even since the period of the conquests and the clergymen were made to pay additional taxes in order to obtain the right of ruling their own bishoprics. The Church was searching for new sources of incomes and quickly addressed the Russian State which gradually has turned into a protector of the Christians in the Ottoman Empire. Russian Archives keep number of documents giving testimonies about travelling of Balkan clergies to the Russian lands and about the “charity” they have been given. Such visits and donations have been recorded as marginal notes and captions in some books. Names of two metropolitans from Kolasia (today Kolusha – a residential quarter of Kyustendil) who have travelled to the Russian lands are found in the preserved records –Visarion the Metropolitan from the end of the 16th century and Mihail the Metropolitan from the 17th century middle. Visarion the Metropolitan is mentioned in a letter by Gervasiy the Abbot from Ossogovo (Ossogovo Mountain). The aim of the visit is unknown but it could be assumed that he aimed at finding subsidies for his bishopric’s churches. This visit is the earliest recorded travelling of clergies from Bulgarian lands to Russia. The second metropolitan – Mihail, visited the Russian lands three times. The first time in his position of a bishop of Vetar and twice as a metropolitan. During his visits he succeeded in obtaining donations for various churches on the Balkans mainly books, liturgical garments and church utensils. During his second travelling he was also given funds to visit the Holy Land. This travelling of him is evidenced by a note in Posolsky Prikaz (Ambassadorial Office List). From the preserved documents various details about the personality of the Kolasian Metropolitan and his contacts with the Russian Ruler are revealed. Different documents from the office of Posolski Prikaz have been published recently and it’s quite probably to find other bishops of Kolasia and clergies visiting Russian rulers for “charity”. These records provide one more important aspect of our church history and explain the connections between Christian clergy coming from the Ottoman Empire and the Russian Ruler.
This article is directed to contribute to a better understanding of the God-guarded city Constantinople andespecially its relationship with the Crusaders. Somehow in the background remains the personal impression, the connection to life, that inevitably remains in everyone, who got intouch with the City. This impression, this overall picture acquires a specific face, unitedunder the sign of the cross. How was Constantinople perceived by the Crusaders? What didthey know about the city in general and how did this affects the events? Precisely, knowledgeis the key word here. Because knowledge forms our perception. Making an exception for theFourth crusade, few are those western people who came to know the Great City from within.The vast amount of the western Christians, who head to the East, only see the silhouette of Constantinople. Considering the low level of education in most cases and the lack of information, namely the contour, the outline of a vague figure is what could be formed as aconcept in the mind of this specific group of people. We look through the eyes of theCrusaders. We ponder the words they left behind – they lead us. We follow the contour of the city: through the location and shape to the imposing walls and harbors, giving anattestation of wealth and power not only for one city, but for a whole empire.
Во рамките на програмата "Отворени денови на Институтот за старословенска кул-тура -Прилеп", посветена на 35 годишниот јубилеј, се одржа меѓународниот научен симпозиум "35 години Институт за старословенска култура -Прилеп" во живописното средновековно гратче Кратово, во периодот од 9 до 11 септември 2015 година. Институтот, заедно со Институтот за словенска филологија од Универзитетот "Адам Мицкјиевиќ" -Познањ, по трет пат беа заеднички домаќини на еминентни научни работници од Македонија, Полска, Словенија, хрватска, Италија, Бугарија и Австралија. Организацискиот одбор успешно ги осмисли и реализира плодните заседанија и дискусии, а доказ за тоа се научните трудови содржани во овој број на нашето репрезентативно списание "Балканославика" кое опфаќа различни тематики од поголем број научни дисциплини на хуманистиката. Меѓународниот издавачки и редакциски одбор е уште една потврда дека и покрај дисконтинуитетот на неговото издавање, кој е единствено од финансиска природа, сепак, списанието продолжува да го задржува својот авторитет во правилното согледување и вреднување на севкупните културно-цивилизациски процеси и пројави на Балканот и пошироко на Европа. Во тој контекст, содржините на списанието го прошируват просторот за дијалог меѓу културите и даваат голем придонес за продлабочување на научните размислувања, дискусии и полемики од областа на археологијата, историјата на уметност, лингвистиката, етнологијата, фолклористиката, литературата, историјата на религиите и одговораат на поголем број на прашања кои произлегуваат од новата реалност.