An Analysis of the Nicaraguan Sociopolitical Crisis of April 18th (original) (raw)

American Foreign Policy Fiascos in Nicaragua

The US policy toward the Sandinista regime in Nicaragua represented one of the most complex and most controversial chapters in the history of American foreign policy. The tiny Nicaragua, a nation of 2.5 million, retained the complete attention of a superpower 100 times larger. In fact, few foreign policy issues commanded the attention of the foreign policy establishment as much as the Nicaraguan Revolution. For over a decade, US policy makers directed an exceptional amount of human and intellectual energy to design the lines of a complex policy. US efforts to contain the Nicaraguan revolution took the shape of an extended low-intensity conflict based on diplomatic pressure, economic pressure, intelligence operations, and a covert counter-revolutionary war, mixed with a colossal public relations campaign. The US-Nicaraguan relations stimulated severe political debates in Washington, caused one of the most noticeable Executive-Legislative disagreements, and even led to one of the most delicate presidential scandals in the political history of the United States. But why was Washington so worried about the Nicaraguan Revolution? Why did such a tiny country with no vital strategic resources, and with less than one percent of total US foreign investment, warrant so much attention from the American power elite? This article tries to offer some answers to the Nicaraguan issue through a description of the various strategies and instruments of policies used by the Carter, Reagan, and Bush administrations. 1 Keywords: American Foreign Policy / Nicaragua / Iran-Contra Affair The principal rationale behind the US long and painful interference in Nicaragua during the 1980s was that the Nicaraguan revolution was a threat to US strategic interests in the region. The ruling Sandinista Front for National Liberation (FSLN) established strong ideological and military ties with the Communist Bloc and offered support for revolution throughout Central America, which created an unprecedented threat to US security. 2 The alternative argument disputes the notion that the US-Nicaraguan conflict resulted from the communist orientation of the FSLN regime. It sees, in contrast, US 'imperialism' and 'hegemonic perceptions' as the cause of hostilities. 3 The obsession of the US with the Nicaraguan revolution would then stem from 'the threat of the good example': a successful independent socialist revolution might offer an alternative to other Third World countries, and, hence, threaten the US global economic as well as political interests.

The Sandinista revolution and the limits of the Cold War in Latin America: the dilemma of non-intervention during the Nicaraguan crisis, 1977–78

Cold War History, 2018

This paper seeks to understand the construction of a broad alliance between the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN), a socialist inspired guerrilla group, and various Latin American liberal and authoritarian governments, mainly Venezuela, Costa Rica, Panama and Cuba, between 1977 and 1979. I will seek to understand the construction of this unusual partnership, as well as the deep conflicts and mistrust that existed between the parties during the revolutionary upheaval in Nicaragua. This process will be examined by analysing the way Cold War politics and Latin American regional tensions shaped the events leading to the Sandinista revolution. This paper tells the story of how some Latin American countries sought to avoid radical change and ended up supporting a revolution instead. It will study the reasons why Venezuela, Panama, and Costa Rica ended up supporting the Sandinista National Liberation Front against the wishes of the United States. In doing so, they built a new political paradigm that envisioned the end of the bipolar conflict. The article will further show the impact of the Carter Administration's policy of nonintervention, and later on multilateralism, and its profound impact on the Nicaraguan regional crisis. Of particular importance will be the study of the process of radicalisation of Venezuela, Panama, and Costa Rica in the context of an increased attempt by the American government to exercise non-intervention in Latin America, and the gradual, and in a certain way reluctant, involvement of Cuba in the crisis. The purpose of this work is to study how these dynamics fostered the decomposition of the bipolar paradigm in inter-American relations and the creation of a new political configuration in the region. The history of the American government's involvement in the Nicaraguan Revolution has been extensively studied by historians. 1 However, the United States was only one of the actors in the revolutionary drama. While the non-interventionist desire of the United States

Preface & Introduction to Sandinista Nicaragua's Resistance to U.S. Coercion

Sandinista Nicaragua's Resistance to U.S. Coercion: Revolutionary Deterrence in Asymmetric Conflict, 2017

How was the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) of Nicaragua able to resist the Reagan Administration’s coercive efforts to rollback its revolution? Héctor Perla challenges conventional understandings of this conflict by tracing the process through which Nicaraguans, both at home and in the diaspora, defeated U.S. aggression in a highly unequal confrontation. He argues that beyond traditional diplomatic, military, and domestic state policies, a crucial element of the FSLN’s defensive strategy was the mobilization of a transnational social movement to build public opposition to Reagan’s policy within the United States, thus preventing further escalation of the conflict. Using a contentious politics approach the author reveals how the extant scholarly assumptions of international relations theory have obscured some of the most consequential dynamics of the case. This is a fascinating study illustrating how supposedly powerless actors were able to constrain the policies of the most powerful nation on earth.

The "Contra" War in Nicaragua

Journal of Conflict Studies, 1987

This article attempts to analyze the "contra" war, an ongoing struggle between the government of Nicaragua and counter-revolutionary forces who have the moral and financial backing of the U.S. government. The unfolding of this five-year old war is considered by detailing the U.S. government strategy in concert with the development of the counter-revolutionary forces both politically and militarily. The effect of the five-year war on Nicaragua's people and its economy will be explored sector-by-sector, and a prognosis for the future will be offered.

The Sandinistas and Nicaragua since 1979

Choice Reviews Online, 2012

Since independence in 1821, Nicaragua has traveled a troubled political road. 2 Although none of the five Central American republics has had an uneventful past (no nation anywhere has), Nicaragua's has been notably violent and unstable. Its first four decades of independence were marked by nearly continuous civil war between Liberals from León and Conservatives from Granada. That cycle of violence ended only in 1858, after a dictatorship imposed by William Walker, a US mercenary brought in by the Liberals to aid their cause, was defeated by the massed armies of the other Central American states. Then came Nicaragua's golden age, when it was known as the Switzerland of Central America. The treinteno (thirty years of Conservative rule) brought stability to the country through a pact among regional elites, but it also carried with it a certain political and economic stasis. As often happens in pacted political systems, the emerging elite of cafeteleros (coffee growers from around Managua and from the mountains in the country's center), who wanted a share of political power commensurate with their economic importance, needed a revolution to get it. José Santos Zelaya was a Liberal caudillo who ruled from 1893 to 1909 and returned Nicaragua to strongman rule. Not only did he dominate national politics, but like his predecessors in other countries, he sought to make himself the suzerain of all Central America. This naturally disquieted Washington, especially when Zelaya, having failed to win the interoceanic canal for Nicaragua, offered German and Japanese interests the rights to develop a competitor to Panama. The result was a US-backed revolution mounted by the Conservatives. Zelaya fell, but Nicaragua entered another cycle of civil warfare that lasted until 1927. Further, from 1910 to 1934, the United States maintained a contingent of marines in Nicaragua, almost continuously. It was to fight this frankly imperial presence that Augusto César Sandino, a Liberal general in the civil war, refused a peace brokered by Washington and took to the hills to wage guerrilla war. 3 From 1927 until 1934, when the United States withdrew its troops, Sandino fought the marines and the Nicaraguan National Guard, a new national military force that the United States had established in Nicaragua as a way to put an end to party-based civil wars. In 1934, Sandino was invited to Managua to meet with then-president Juan Bautista Sacasa. However, the national guard intercepted the guerrilla leader and executed him, supposedly on the orders of the guard's commander, Anastasio Somoza García. By 1936, Somoza had ousted Sacasa, his wife's uncle, and then succeeded in being elected president. Thus began forty-three years of family dictatorship that ended only when another guerrilla force bearing Sandino's name brought down the Somoza dynasty.

Reforming the " President " Reagan ' s cherished aid to the contras in Nicaragua

2007

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Contra Solidarity: Revolution and Counterrevolution in the United States and Nicaragua

Cold War History

This article explains how the Contra war was shaped by interaction between revolutionaries and counterrevolutionaries both before and after Nicaragua's 1979 revolution. In successfully carrying out the overthrow of the Somoza government, the Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN) built a multilayered revolutionary coalition out of the fractured Nicaraguan politics created by the Cold War developmental state. In response to the FSLN's successful solidarity politics, the U.S. government from the beginning of the revolution through the Contra war in the 1980s applied a diverse set of tactics that drew inspiration from the successes of Nicaragua's revolutionary practice in order to undermine the revolution. This adaptive response helped radicalise Nicaragua's revolution, widened support for the Contra war despite adverse U.S. and global public opinion, and made possible the unraveling of the Iran-Contra Affair.

The Discourse of Presidents Ronald Reagan and Daniel Ortega: Peace in Nicaragua without Concession

1987

Seeking to understand American and Nicaraguan perspectives of the Nicaraguan revolution, a study examined the rhetorical strategies used by Presidents Reagan and Ortega in their speeches. Ten public addresses made by each president in 1985-1986, pertaining to funding for Nicaraguan counterrevolutionary forces, were Clarted and eramined for prevalent themes. The themes were then grouped together by the ideas represented, and the groups were clustered to represent a broader topic of consideration. A discourse analysis based on Kenneth Burke's ideas on myth criticism investigated the mythic structure of each leader's rhetoric. In addition, an agon analysis of the rhetorical texts examined the philosophical perspectives of the two presidents. Analyses indicated that President Ortega's discourse featured the pentadic element "purpose," which corresponds to the philosophical term of mysticism, while President Reagan's discourse featured the pentadic element "agency" which corresponds to pragmatism. These philosophical perspectives are components of each othe,7 and as such serve to define each other. Just as a means is implicit in an end for Daniel Ortega's mysticism, purpose is implicit in agency for Ronald Reagan's pragmatism. Findings suggest that the political drama of international policy rhetoric i , viable and necessary area for future study. (Forty notes are attached.) (NKA)