Wind Power Potential of the Central Asian Countries (original) (raw)

Solar Power Potential of the Central Asian Countries

Central Asia Data-Gathering and Analysis Team (CADGAT) / Central Asia Regional Data Review no 18, 2019

This data compilation surveys the solar energy potential of the five Central Asian countries: Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. It also provides data on installed and planned solar power capacity in these countries.

2014, with Asemgul Naurzbaeva, "Prospects for Alternative Energy Development Policy in Kazakhstan: The Case Study of Wind Power Development", in Zhu, Zhiqun, others (eds.), Globalization, Development and Security in Asia. Vol. 3, 2014:2 (World Scientific, SI), pp.159-180.

Comprehensive Research on Issues Related to Economy, Energy and the Environment in Kazakhstan

Chapter 1 Introduction 1.1 Background information 1.2 Scope of the problem 1.3 Research framework Chapter 2 Energy Profiles of Central Asian Countries: Current Status and Future Prospects 2.1 Kazakhstan 2.2 Kyrgyz Republic 2.3 Tajikistan 2.4 Turkmenistan 2.5 Uzbekistan 2.6 Measuring the Security of External Energy Supply and Energy Export Demand in Central Asia 2.6.1 Methodology 2.6.2 Data 2.6.3 Results and Policy Implications 2.7 Summary Chapter 3 Economy, Energy and the Environment in Kazakhstan 3.1 Economy of Kazakhstan 3.2 Energy System 3.2.1 Fossil Fuel 3.2.2 Coal 3.2.3 Crude Oil and Natural Gas 3.3 Environmental Problems in Kazakhstan 3.4 Modeling CO2 Emissions, Energy Use, and Economic Growth 3.4.1 Methodology 3.4.2 Data 3.4.3 Empirical Findings 3.5 The Dutch Disease in Kazakhstan 3.5.1 Methodology 3.5.2 Data 3.5.3 Empirical Findings 3.6 Summary Chapter 4 Decomposition Analysis of Industry Sector CO2 Emissions from Fuel Combustion in Kazakhstan 4.1 Methodology 4.2 Data 4.3 Empirical Findings 4.4 Summary Chapter 5 Power Industry 5.1 Electricity Generation 5.2 Commercial Heat Generation 5.3 Life Cycle Assessment of Commercial Heat and Electricity Production 5.3.1 Goal and Scope 5.3.2 Data 5.3.3 Methodology 5.3.4 Pre-Combustion 5.3.5 Combustion 5.3.6 Results and Discussion 5.3.7 External Costs of Power Production 5.4 Health Effects of Coal: A Long-Run Relationship Assessment of Coal Production and Respiratory Health in Kazakhstan 5.4.1 Methodology 5.4.2 Data 5.4.3 Empirical Findings 5.5 Potential of Renewable Energy in Kazakhstan 5.5.1 Solar Energy 5.5.2 Biomass and Geothermal Energy 5.5.3 Hydropower 5.6 Summary Chapter 6 Wind Power in Kazakhstan 6.1 Wind Climates and Local Winds 6.2 Potential Assessment 6.2.1 Data 6.2.2 Methodology 6.2.3 Results and Discussion 6.3 Environmental Improving Effect of Wind Energy 6.4 Cost of Wind Energy 6.5 Multi-Criteria Analysis of Wind Power 6.5.1 Criteria Selection 6.5.2 Technical Criteria 6.5.3 Environmental Criteria 6.5.4 Socioeconomic Criteria 6.5.5 Methodology 6.5.6 Results and Discussion 6.6 Summary Chapter 7 Green Growth Strategy of Kazakhstan 7.1 Effect of Kazakh Emissions Trading Scheme (ETS) on Industrial Energy Intensities 7.1.1 Methodology 7.1.2 Data 7.1.3 Results and Discussions 7.2 Summary Chapter 8 Conclusions and Policy Implications 8.1 Policy Recommendations

Energy Elites in Central Asia: Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan

This paper is intended as a preliminary guide to the energy elites of the three main oil and gas exporting countries in Central Asia, and as a practical tool for foreign actors seeking to understand who is who, who makes decisions and who their interlocutors are in those countries. Appendix 1 provides extensive tables listing identified members of the elites in the three countries and some of their main attributes. These listings are meant to be used as a reference work. In addition to functioning as a reference work, the paper attempts to extract some comparative points about the energy elites of Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. First of all, it is clear that they share some important features. They are largely technocratic, in the sense that a majority in all three countries have higher technical education that is directly relevant for the petroleum sector. Most have studied in their own home country, Russia or other post-Soviet countries, and are more than 45 years of age. There are however also important differences among the countries. For instance, Kazakhstan’s energy elite is younger than that of the other two, and more of them have studied in Western Europe or the USA. Business and politics are closely linked in all three countries, but this is expressed in different ways. In Turkmenistan, it is difficult to identify a domestic business elite distinct from politics, because of the rigid state control over business development. The Turkmen energy elite is also closely associated with the ruling party, the Democratic Party. Similarly close links between the ruling party and the energy elite are evident in Kazakhstan, where most members of the energy elite are affiliated with the Nur Otan party. The energy elite in Kazakhstan was previously more independent, but this has changed with the establishment of a dominant political party. The Kazakh business elite, however, is not affiliated with the ruling party to the same degree as in Turkmenistan. This can be explained by the dominant role of the energy sector in the national economy, which provides impetus for political control over energy resources. In both Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan, the state still controls the energy resources and related companies, directly and in detail. The importance of family connections within and between the different elites is evident in all three countries, with several cases of close relatives of political figures controlling key businesses or energy positions.

50 MW WIND FARM NEAR EREYMENTAU (Interdisciplinary Design Project)

Increase of energy consumption in the world and importance of CO2 reduction stimulate development of alternative sources of energy. Kazakhstan territory has high potential for wind energy industry development. As a result, Republic of Kazakhstan increases energy production from wind, solar and other renewable resources. This purpose of the Project is Feasibility Report for construction of 50 MW wind farm station near Ereymentau, Akomla region. Initially, current wind industry situation is investigated in Chapter 1. After that, Ereymentau’ wind potential assessment is done in order to calculate possible energy production. Then, turbine type is chosen and technical details of wind park is analyzed. Afterward, detailed economy analysis of the project is given in Chapter 6. Safety and Risk assessment are covered in Chapters 7 and 8. Next, environmental impact is discussed in Chapter 9. Project Management is given in the last Chapter. Summary of Final Feasibility of the wind park Project near Ereymentau and recommendations are given in Chapter 11.

Transnational Ties and Local Society´s Role in Improving the PRC‘s Image in Central Asia (2018), In: CHINA’S BELT AND ROAD INITIATIVE AND ITS IMPACT IN CENTRAL ASIA, Marlene Laruelle (ed.), Washington, D.C.: The George Washington University, Central Asia Program, pp. 126-134.

Transnational Ties and Local Society´s Role in Improving the PRC‘s Image in Central Asia (2018), In: CHINA’S BELT AND ROAD INITIATIVE AND ITS IMPACT IN CENTRAL ASIA, Marlene Laruelle (ed.), Washington, D.C.: The George Washington University, Central Asia Program 2018, 2018

This chapter surveys the People’s Republic of China’s (PRC) efforts to influence society in Central Asia within the framework of its ambitious BRI. China has, among other things, invested considerable effort in improving perceptions of the PRC among local public opinions in Central Asian countries and addressing latent Sinophobia and fears of Chinese expansionism. PRC representatives have actively sought to involve local actors from different segments of society (elites, intellectuals, public organizations, civil society, etc.) in reinterpreting shared history and legitimizing the BRI project in the region. From a theoretical perspective, the chapter draws on studies of transnational actors in international relations and the developing field of transnational studies. Specifically, it utilizes the concept of “transnational societal spaces” instead of automatically referring the research to a nation-state. Te concept addresses the sustained ties linked to networks and organizations across national borders. Unlike other studies, which approach PRC initiatives as monocentric, center–periphery endeavors, the chapter proposes to study China’s BRI and its social and cultural aspects as a polycentric effort. This analytical framework provides innovative and unique insights into the processes that are taking place in Central Asia in the fields of academia and civil society as a result of the PRC’s efforts. Furthermore, it draws our attention to the role of domestic structures as they influence the BRI and the PRC’s attempts to exercise soft power in Central Asia. Here I specifically review several concrete “sites” of transnational societal spaces, as well as the “people” and networks connecting them in the cities of Almaty and Tashkent. Te chapter is based on field research in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan and discourse analysis carried out between 2015 and 2017.

Could Changing Power Relationships Lead to Better Water Sharing in Central Asia

Even though Central Asia is water rich, water disputes have characterized the region after crumbling of the Soviet Union in 1991. The uneven spatial distribution and complex pattern of transboundary water sources with contrasting national water needs have created an intricate water dilemma. Increasing national water needs, water claims by surrounding countries, uncertainties in renewable water volumes, and effects of climate change will put further strain on the future water use in Central Asia. We argue that the present power distribution with three downstream hegemons (Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan) and two upstream much poorer countries with less political influence (Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan) is not likely to lead forward to a greater willingness to share water. We discuss this situation with the analogue Egypt–Sudan–Ethiopia in the Nile Basin. Thus, as in the case of Ethiopia in the Nile Basin, gradually economically stronger upstream countries Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan due to hydropower development are likely to eventually redefine the hydropolitical map of Central Asia. As in the case of the Nile Basin, a more even power balance between upstream and downstream countries may lead to an improved political structure for a much needed better collaboration on water issues.