The Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem (original) (raw)
Related papers
1995
Greece, occupying cities and castles whose demoralized garrisons usually surrendered straight away. 48 Indeed, Boniface of Montferrat did not meet any serious resistance until he reached Corinth and Nauplia, 'two of the strongest cities in the world', which only surrendered in 1210 and 1211-12 respectively.49 Following the initial conquests of 1204-05, several new Frankish and Venetian states were set up around the Aegean. The Latin empire itself encompassed Thrace and the northern fringes of Asia Minor, 50 while Macedonia and northern Thessaly formed the kingdom of Thessalonika,
Civitas and Castellum in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem: Contemporary Frankish Perceptions
2018
small castle, Prawer and Benvenisti present it as a fortified town with a small castle, and Thorau as a town, usually fortified. Johns regards Arsur (Arsuf) as a walled town; Prawer and Benvenisti concur, marking it as a fortified town; but on Thorau‘s map of the twelfth century Arsur does not appear at all, whereas on his map of the subsequent century it figures as a town, usually fortified. Again, while Chastiau Neuf and Blanchegarde are for Johns large castles, Prawer and Benvenisti present them as small ones4. Classifications of major Frankish sites appear also in some recent works on the kingdom‘s history. In 1970, the year Prawer and Benvenisti published their map, the latter also produced the book The Crusaders in the Holy Land. Unlike the map, which – as we have seen – distinguishes between fortified and unfortified towns, large and small castles, seigneurial and other administrative centers, and villages, the book speaks of cities, townships, villages, administrative center...
Merits of Jerusalem (Fada’il al-Quds), which belong to the genre of Islamic sacred geography, constitute a valuable but still under-researched source for studying the memory of the Crusades in the Levant and Egypt after the expulsion of the Crusaders from the Holy Land. Analysis of the most popular works of this genre created after 1291 shows that in the subsequent centuries the theme of the Crusades and the violation of the Islamic sacred spaces by the Franks played an increasingly important role in treatises of this type. In the works from the late 15th c., a comprehensive narrative of the Frankish invasion was established, centered around the struggle for Jerusalem and the figure of Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn, while contemporary Islamic historiography had not yet developed a comprehensive history of the conflict with the Franks at that point. The works of the period under review also blame the Franks for interrupting the transmission of Islamic knowledge.
Gerald Lambert Publication- Saarbrücken in Germany, 2024
This Book is about the real ethnic roots of the Eastern Christians as they don't have Arab roots and they don't have Arab origins. These Eastern Christians have Non-Arab origins and the Term Arab Christian is wrong and not correct as Walid Phares wrote in his article regarding the Arabic Bible. the real Arab Christians of different Kingdoms and tribes vanished in the 10th century. Therefore, if these Christians in the Arab World, the Middle East, the Levant and the Holy Land- Palestine, speak Arabic as their native language it doesn't mean that they are Arabs. The Term Arab Christian is considered an ethnic cleansing term of the real Ethnic roots of the Middle East in the Pre-Islamic times. The Eastern Christians are Mediators between East and West, there is a problem of Identity and affiliation regarding their relations with the Byzantine Emperor and the Crusades in regard to their position from the conflict between Islam and the West.
Arabic-Islamic Views of the Latin West. Tracing the Emergence of Medieval Europe
"Arabic-Islamic Views of the Latin West" (http://ukcatalogue.oup.com/product/9780198737193.do#) provides an insight into how the Arabic-Islamic sphere perceived medieval Western Europe in an age that is often associated with violent Christian-Muslim relations during the rise and expansion of Islam, the so-called Reconquista, and the Crusades. A long and dominant scholarly tradition claims that Muslims of this period held an arrogant and ignorant attitude towards its northern neighbours, merely regarding medieval Christian Europe as an uncivilized and hostile cultural backwater clinging to a superseded religion. The study nuances this view by focussing on the mechanisms of transmission and reception that characterized the flow of information from one sphere to the other. By explaining how Arabic-Islamic scholars acquired and processed data on medieval Western Europe, it traces the two-fold ‘emergence’ of Latin-Christian Europe—a sphere that increasingly encroached upon the Mediterranean and therefore became more and more prominent in Arabic-Islamic scholarly literature. Chapter One questions previous interpretations of related Arabic-Islamic records that reduce a large and differentiated range of Arabic-Islamic perceptions to a single basic pattern subsumed under the keywords ‘ignorance’, ‘indifference’, and ‘arrogance’. Chapter Two lists channels of transmission by means of which information on the Latin-Christian Europe reached the Arabic-Islamic sphere. Chapter Three deals with the general factors that influenced the reception and presentation of this data at the hands of Arabic-Islamic scholars. Chapters Four to Eight analyse how these scholars acquired and dealt with information on themes such as the western dimension of the Roman Empire, the Visigoths, the Franks, the papacy and, finally, Western Europe in the age of Latin-Christian expansionism. Against this background, Chapter Nine provides a concluding re-evaluation.
Al-Masāq, 2018
When William, the Archbishop of Tyre and Chancellor of the kingdom of Jerusalem, wrote his chronicles in the late twelfth century, a word for crusade had not yet been created. But William knew what he was writing about. He was shaping the memory among Latin Christians in both the Levant and Western Europe of “the brave men who went out from the kingdoms of the West”. From the late twelfth century to the mid-twentieth, this has been a fair description of scholarship on the Crusades as well; it focused largely on manly military deeds, and the field of operations was fixed on Jerusalem and the Levant, with brief forays to Constantinople, Egypt and Tunis. But William was also writing a history of his homeland, the kingdom of Jerusalem, and his account presented a beguiling model of history that intermingled the alternately glorious and disastrous narrative of the military campaigns to liberate and defend Jerusalem with the history of the kingdom itself. This fusion was not accidental, nor without consequences. William of Tyre sought to ensure that Western Europe would remain engaged in the defence of Jerusalem, and his chronicle was an extended plea for assistance in the face of the growing strength of S alāh al-Dīn. But William was also the author of a history of Islamic rule in the Levant, which he composed alongside his history of the kingdom as a parallel and a prelude. While this history has not survived, it suggests a dual perspective that has been lost in modern historiography, a sense that William saw his own history—he was born in Syria—as both a part of crusading which began in Latin Europe and also as a part of Near Eastern history