Atlas of Palestine, 1917-1966 (original) (raw)
Related papers
From Haifa to Ramallah (and Back): New/Old Palestinian Literary Topography
Journal of Palestine Studies, 2019
This article explores border crossing and the Palestinian city as a literary metropolis—two major themes in the works of emerging Palestinian novelists in Israel. It looks at the “re-Palestinization” of urban space by writers who belong to a post-Oslo generation of Palestinian intellectuals that left villages and small towns in Israel to go and study, work, and live in the city. What distinguishes the literature of this generation is its negotiation of border crossing in a fragmented geography and its engagement with the city as a space of paradoxical encounter between a national imaginary and a settler-colonial reality. Based on a critical reading of their works, the article argues that Adania Shibli and Ibtisam Azem challenge colonial border discourse, exposing the ongoing Zionist erasure of the Palestinian city and creating a new topography for Palestinian literature. The article also traces the role of these writers in the “twinning” of Haifa and Ramallah starting in the late 19...
2011
This is a study of the historical works produced by the Arabs of Palestine during the period of British Mandatory rule. First I trace the perception of late Ottoman rule in Palestine, suggesting that, at first, the vicious war years left a profoundly bitter impression of Ottoman rule for most writers. In the 1920s, the Ottomans were, for the most part, deemed tyrannical and backward usurpers who failed to bring civilization to the Arabs. As the war years faded in the mid-late 1930s and 1940s, we find a much more positive portrayal of late Ottoman rule over Palestine. Second, I trace attitudes towards British rule. It may be surprising, for many scholars bent on demonizing the colonial powers, that the British were, at first, embraced with white flags and flying colors. For many Arabs in Palestine, they continued to be considered liberators rather than colonizers for the first few years after their arrival in Palestine—notwithstanding their support for Zionism and their broader colonial ambitions in the Near East. By the mid-late 1920s and 1930s, to be sure, this attitude had all but vanished and a strong anti-British feeling came to dominate Arab historiography in Palestine until the very end of the Mandate. Third, I trace loyalties and identities during the Mandate period. I argue that, in the 1920s, local loyalties to cities and towns were the most significant identity markers, followed by Arab and religious loyalties, both of which were also very important. In the 1920s, a territorial identification with Bilad al-Sham or Suriyya rivaled if not trumped a territorial identification with Filastin. Even in the 1920s, though, it would be a mistake to consider either of these broader territorial identifications loyalties insofar as they did not trigger a sense of self-sacrifice nor did they carry with them much emotive power. Not until the late 1920s and early 1930s did Palestine triumph over broader territorial identifications such as Syria and not until the mid-late 1930s and 1940s did this territorial identification with Palestine emerge as a key source of loyalty for many of the region’s inhabitants. All the while, the historical works suggest the growing importance of an Arab identity and the declining importance of religious loyalties.
How to keep the Arab identity of Jerusalem alive? , 2021
Last update 14102021 I - En Palestine, un peuple debout. Éditorial de Serge Halimi II- مقال البوم: حين ربح نتانياهو وخسرت إسرائيل.. وفازت حماس وخسر عباس III- HALTE À UNE NOUVELLE NAKBA! par Aicha Bouabaci IV- Here, Jerusalemites and Jerusalemites redrawn the map. V- Nouvelles tensions à Jérusalem autour de l'expulsion possible de Palestiniens au profit de colons VI - Violences fascistes et racistes contre les Palestiniens à Jérusalem - silence révoltant de la France VII - Marwan Al-Barghouti VIII : L'Union européenne ne peut pas et ne doit pas inviter des Israéliens en Tunisie PART IX– BOOKS PART IX-I THE FORGOTTEN PALESTINIANS The Forgotten Palestinians: A History of the Palestinians in Israel. Ilan Pappe. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2011) : L'Union européenne ne peut pas et ne doit pas inviter des Israéliens en Tunisie La Campagne Tunisienne pour le Boycott Académique et Culturel d’Israël (TACBI) a appris avec consternation que la Délégation de l’Union Européenne en Tunisie compte inviter à Tunis en janvier 2020 de jeunes israéliens dans le cadre du programme « Dialogue Méditerranéen pour les Droits et l’Égalité » (Med Dialogue for Rights and Equality) financé par l'Union européenne. Il est indiqué que les candidats doivent avoir « entre 18 et 36 ans » et être « ressortissants des pays suivants : Algérie, Égypte, Israël, Jordanie, Liban, Libye, Mauritanie, Maroc, Palestine, Tunisie, Syrie - ou appartenir à des diasporas apparentées, notamment syriennes et palestiniennes ». PART IX-2 -LETTERS FROM PALESTINE An engrossing new book about the lives of Palestinian people Many books have been written dealing with the Israeli-Palestinian conflict from the pro- Israeli perspective. However, relatively few reflect the Palestinian point of view. Letters from Palestine is one of the rare books that offers an American audience the chance to listen to and learn about the lives of actual Palestinian people as they describe what it is like to live in the occupied territories of the West Bank or Gaza, or to grow up as a Palestinian in the U.S. Part IX-3- Requiem pour Gaza », préface d’Adonis Signé par le poète Bernard Noël (grand prix de poésie de l’Académie française 2016), l’un des textes les plus mordants du livre décrit Gaza comme une « réserve de chasse » dont l’État hébreu « contrôle absolument les clôtures et qui, en connivence avec son grand allié, lui sert à sélectionner les diverses variétés de gibier humain, de la forte tête dont on fait des cibles au pauvre indic qu’on n’achète pas cher ». Part X-Israel: Water as a tool to dominate Palestinians Water consumption figures are telling: While Israelis have access to around 240 litres of water per person per day, and settlers over 300, Palestinians in the West Bank are left with 73 litres - well below the World Health Organization's minimum standard of 100. PartXI- Crimes de guerre ou des crimes contre l'humanité https://www.lepoint.fr/monde/j-ai-ete-le-premier-medecin-cible-par-un-sniper-a-gaza-15-03-2019-2301472\_24.php ENTRETIEN. Tarek Loubani, médecin urgentiste canadien, a été victime d'un tir israélien alors qu'il soignait des manifestants palestiniens. ANTISEMITISME VS ANTISIONISME : LE TEMOIGNAGE DE MICHELE SIBONY QUI TRACE L’HISTOIRE D’UN PEUPLE QUI S’EST OCTROYE TOUS LES DROITS D’ENRAYER DE LA CARTE L'IDENTITE DES PALESTINIENS https://webmail.online.net/?\_task=mail&\_action=get&\_mbox=INBOX&\_uid=211153&\_token=PxUobIl3RfAnlqXdPq00P13RElHjx55w&\_part=2 XII- LA RESISTANCE CULTURELLE : LE THEATRE DE LA LIBERTE A JENINE La victime dirigeait le théâtre de la Liberté, fondé dans le camp de réfugiés de Jénine par sa mère, Arna Mer (1930-1995), militante pour les droits des Palestiniens, tout comme son fils, et mariée à Saliba Khamis, un Arabe Israélien, dirigeant du Parti communiste israélien. A l'origine, le "Théâtre des pierres" avait été lancé durant la première Intifada (1987-1993). Pour Arna Mer, ardente militante de la paix, il s'agissait de créer un espace préservé où les enfants échapperaient à la violence du conflit et de l'occupation. Détruit en 2002 lors d'une opération de l'armée israélienne contre les groupes armés palestiniens, l'établissement a revu le jour en 2006 sous le nom de "Théâtre de la Liberté" grâce à Juliano Mer-Khamis, réalisateur du documentaire Les enfants d'Arna, avec le soutien de Zakaria Zoubeïdi, chef local du groupe armé palestinien des Brigades des martyrs d'Al-Aqsa, qui a participé aux combats à l'époque. Zakaria Zoubeïdi a déclaré à la chaîne 10 israélienne que "tout le monde l'aimait dans le camp" de réfugiés. XIII - HOMAGE TO KHAIRAT ALSALEH (31 May 1939- 29 July 2014) I wrote this poem several years ago. It is about the death of a child of Palestine. Many children died during the Intifada and many children died recently in Gaza. I think our genes are programmed to protect children and not to accept their death. I am dreaming of a day when the Palestinian children will have the chance to grow up normally like all other children, to laugh and play and watch children's TV, as they ehave xpressed so eloquently during the war. Poem by Khairat Al-Saleh POSTED BY RAINBOW DERVISH AT 8:43 AM 2 COMMENTS: LABELS: DEDICATED TO GAZA, POEMS http://rainbowdervish.blogspot.com/ Pourquoi la Palestine ? Pourquoi pas l’Iran, la Syrie ou la Russie ? D’autant plus que les palestiniens sont de plus en plus réduits à rien, quand ils ne sont pas éliminés un à un pour des raisons de sécurité ou promiscuité. Et moi je dis que s’il n’en reste qu’un, un seul palestinien, je continuerai à dire que cette terre lui appartient… en propre et au figuré. Et cette vérité, je la maintiens… ou pour dire vrai, c’est elle qui me maintient… en vie. Je ne tiens pas à verser une seule larme sur ce qui me tient le plus à cœur, mais je tiens à faire de mon long métrage, une arme… pour BRISER tous les miroirs, et remettre en mémoire que la Palestine est aux palestiniens… https://www.lejournaldepersonne.com/2018/06/la-verite/ Personne est sur un nouveau projet, un nouveau film long métrage est en cours de préparation, LA CASA DE PALESTINA (ancien nom de L’orpheline de la Palestine). « Vous n’avez pas besoin de moi pour oser l’imaginer… Mais j’ai besoin de votre aide pour le réaliser. » Pour contribuer à sa réalisation, rendez-vous sur la page de soutien : https://www.lejournaldepersonne.com/soutien-journal-de-personne/ 2ème partie Conformément à la théorie freudienne Israël agit avec la Nakba comme un esprit traumatisé qui tente de refouler ce qui le hante. Une sorte d’”inquiétante étrangeté”, à la source d’un sentiment de honte ressenti à l’égard d’actes passés, provoque un malaise qui pousse à vouloir les faire disparaître. Ce passé dérangeant revient , selon Freud, lorsque s’effacent les limites entre l’imagination et la réalité. La mémoire de la Nakba remonte à la surface par l’intermédiaire de divers acteurs qui détruisent les créations imaginaires pour montrer la réalité, et de Palestiniens qui saisissent toutes les occasions de resurgir dans l’espace public. In his election campaign, Trump promised and stood before the world with all his arrogance to fulfill his promise to Zionism and its birth, "Israel" to declare Jerusalem the eternal capital of the State of "Israel" Will we be satisfied with convictions and protests to keep the Arab identity of Jerusalem alive? Will we suffice tears and stand on the doors of the world, begging half solutions, but quarters and prices ?! Were all Arab, Islamic and international documents paper prisoners? Jerusalem is the flower of the cities and the city of prayer. Jerusalem is the cradle of messages, and the house of the Prophets, carrying a long history that is rooted throughout the ages to pre-heavenly religions, highlighting its Arabism under its ordeal and its rape. Can Jerusalem become cheaper than promises of Israeli peace? Come on her coffins ?!! .. Whatever the remnants of the Arab nation, you have lost the basic cause as you have lost compass in the midst of your disputes and disagreements and distributions, Jerusalem has never been the title of the Isra and Maraj and the address of the Al-Aqsa Mosque or the Church of the Holy Sepulcher, but the city of practical holiness in the case of the oppressed and the oppressed whom the oppressors deny and fought the farthest and stood "international justice" watching them and disguising themselves. XIV- Espionnage et intimidations XV - Israël devient une « ethnocratie » ESPIONNAGE ET INTIMIDATIONS Lobby israélien, le documentaire interdit PAR ALAIN GRESH Israël devient une « ethnocratie » XVI- How to keep the Arab identity of Jerusalem alive? By Hind Obiedin XVII - Palestine, the Birthplace of Civilization When and where Civilization was born Prof. Mohamed Rabie
The American Historical Review, 1979
The Sanjak of Jerusalem was independent and directly linked to the Minister of the Interior in view of its importance to the three major monotheistic religions. It comprised the greater part of the territory of Palestine and more than three quarters of its population.(*1) The total number of villages was 672 with an estimated population of 457,5922 (*2) (not including the Beduins). The number of educational establishments in Palestine amounted to 956 most of which were primary and elementary schools. The overwhelming majority of the population was Sunni Muslim. Small numbers of Shi'a and Druzes existed, while around sixteen per cent of the population was Christian, mainly Greek Orthodox, Latin and Creek Catholics. Arthur Ruppin put the number of Jews living in Palestine in 1880 at 25,000. (*3) Both Jews and Christians were free to practice their religions and enjoyed a degree of autonomy through the Millet system.(*4) The majority of the Muslim population was engaged in agriculture and lived in villages. Apart from the peasants there was a considerable number of unsettled beduins, particularly in the vicinity of Beersheba. The urban population, both Muslim and Christian, was engaged in commerce, the crafts and modest agricultural industries, and some people held government posts. Prior to 1880 almost the entire Jewish population of Palestine lived in its Four Holy Cities': Jerusalem, Tiberias, Safad and Hebron. A sizable proportion of Palestine's Jewry was supported to a very large extent by the challukah system; the organised collection of funds in the Diaspora for the support of the pious scholars in Palestine. Never-the less, piety was not the sole characteristic occupation of Jews in Palestine. As early as 1851, the British Consul in Jerusalem reported that Jews are the majority of artisans-which included the glaziers, blacksmiths, watchmakers, tailors, shoemakers, book-binders.(*5) In addition they almost monopolised money-lending and the limited banking business in the country. Palestine and the Great Powers The effects of the decline of the Ottoman Empire were not confined to the growth of the power of the notables. As the Ottoman state became increasingly dependent on foreign protection vis a-vis other foreign powers as well as ambitious vassals, the European powers sought to establish direct links with the various populations of the Empire. Thus, France became the 'protector' of the Catholic communities in Syria, Lebanon and Palestine, while the Orthodox Christians came under Russian protection. The British Government's interest in Palestine was aroused by Napoleon's Palestinian Campaign (1799) which posed a threat to the British overland route to India. When Mohammad Ali of Egypt occupied Palestine and Syria and defeated the Ottoman armies, even threatening Constantinople itself, the British Government adopted a course of military intervention and was instrumental in driving the armies of Ibrahim Pasha (son of Mohammad Ali) back to Egypt. It was during that period (1838) that the British Government decided to station a British consular agent in Jerusalem and to open the first European Consulate in March 1839. Mohammad Ali's advance into Syria opened the 'Syrian Question'. New British policies were formulated as a result. To begin with, Britain sought to emulate the French and the Russian approach in the area. It was during the 1840s and 1850s that the British Government, which had no obvious proteges of its own, established a connection with the Jews in Palestine, the Druzes in Lebanon and the new Protestant churches. reconciliation:"(*27) In 1895, after talks with Palestinian Arab merchants, Najib al-Hajj, the editor of Abu-al-Hol of Cairo accused the Jewish colonists of expropriating the Arabs' means of livelihood. Both , Rashad Pasha, the Ottoman Mutasarrif, and the educated Palestinians were quick to perceive that the Zionists sought to establish a Jewish State in Palestine. Yusuf al-Khalidi " viewed the Zionist movement with grave concern: he recognised the existence of a Jewish problem in Europe...but he also foresaw that a Jewish state could not be established in Palestine without hostilities and bloodshed because of Arab opposition".(*28) The Mufti of Jerusalem, Muhammad Taher al-Husseini, fought Jewish immigration and agricultural settlement, and in 1897, he presided over a commission which scrutinised applications for transfer of land in the Mutasarrifiyya and so effectively stopped all purchases by Jews for the next few years."(*29) In 1900 there was a campaign of protest by means of signed petitions against Jewish purchases of land.(*30) Fears and Apprehensions In the same year, A Antebi, of the Jewish Colonial Association (a non Zionist institution) reported: The Zionists had made the Muslim population ill-disposed to all progress accomplished by the Jews. A year and a half later, illiterate Muslim peasants asked him, 'Is it time that the Jews wish to retake this country?' and in early 1902 the ill-will had spread to the Administrative Council, the law courts and government officials many of whom especially at lower levels were drawn from the population.(*31) Religious sentiments were an additional ground of resentment: Muslim sentiments in Jerusalem were reflected in the following statement made in 1903 by a young (and, it is reported not very fanatical) Arab: "We shall pour everything to the last drop of our blood rather than see our Haram Sharif fall into the hands of non Muslims".(*32) It is also worth noting that local government officials, Christians and educated Muslims, were interested in reading Zionist literature, and some of them even read Ha-Po 'el Ha-Za 'ir. This explains the state of alarm among the Arab population of Palestine. following the Seventh Zionist Congress in 1905, which resolved that Zionist efforts must be directed entirely towards Palestine. The Palestinians were not entirely alone in conceiving the implications of Jewish immigration and agricultural settlement in Palestine. Rashid Rida, one of the most prominent Islamic reformists and of the influential AI-Manar, recognised that the Jews were seeking national sovereignty in Palestine.(*33) In his book La reveil de la Nation Arabe (Paris, 1905), Najib Azoury warned that Zionists and Arab nationalist aspirations would come into conflict. Because Azouri called for Arab independence, copies of his manifesto had to be smuggled into Palestine as a result of which several Arab notables in Jaffa, Gaza and Ramla were imprisoned by the Ottoman authorities.(*34
Liron Mor’s review in Journal of Palestine Studies
Journal of Palestine Studies, 2023
What is Palestinian literature? And how does one define “Palestinian,” exactly? These are the fundamental questions that implicitly guide two new and exciting studies on Palestinian literature—Manar H. Makhoul’s Palestinian Citizens in Israel: A History Through Fiction, 1948-2010 and Maurice Ebileeni’s Being There, Being Here: Palestinian Writings in the World. Both authors intentionally seek out an internal prism on Palestinian literature and identity, while also aiming to express local particularities overlooked by previous scholarship. They thus join current efforts in Palestine studies to recenter Palestinian cultures and his- tories instead of exploring them only in relation to Zionism.
The First World War in Palestine: Biographies and Memoirs of Muslims, Jews and Christians
Commemorative Spaces of the First World War: Historical Geographies at the Centenary, 2018
While the First World War is generally regarded as a watershed in world history, it was also an important turning point in the history of Palestine. Over the course of the four years of the war, Palestine and the Sinai Desert served as a battle arena for conflict between the armies of the Ottoman and British Empires. Extensive geographic-historic and historical research has examined the war through the eyes of Palestine’s local inhabitants, most of which focused on how communities or individuals coped with the war and on the reciprocal relations within and between the different religious groupings. There is a void in the research with regard to what the local inhabitants knew about the war and to what extent they identified as part of the Ottoman cause. We examine these issues by assessing first, how the “Home Front” accessed news and learned about the situation on the Palestine front; second, how the inhabitants perceived the war; and third, whether the war changed the perception of the inhabitants, as individuals and as communities, of the Ottomans and of Palestine and its future. To do so we use the diaries and autobiographies of men and women from the three main religious groups, who lived in Palestine during the period.
Pappé, Ilan A History of Modern Palestine; One Land, Two Peoples Cambridge University Press (2006)
Cambridge University Press, 2006
Foreword: The idea of this book germinated in my Haifa University class entitled ‘The history of the Palestine conflict’. Very alert and eager Palestinian and Jewish students demanded again and again a narrative of their country’s history that did not repeat the known versions of the two conflicting parties; one that respected the other, included those who are not part of the story, and above all was more hopeful about the future. I began writing the book in the twilight of the Oslo Agreement and found it difficult to comply with the last request. But then I realized that, by then, industrious researchers had already provided us with new perspectives on Palestine, but they were never presented in one narrative. What these novel approaches had in common was that they attempted to tell the story of the people and the land, and not just that of high politics, dogmatic ideologies or rehearsed national narratives. The fact that the students, Palestinians and Jews, wanted to hear the story told from a humanist, and not nationalist, ethnic or religious, per- spective was itself a hopeful sign for the future. It is this perspective that dictates the tone of this book, It is a narrative of those in Palestine who were brutalized and victimized by human follies well known from many other parts in the world. The abusive power used by people against other people in the name of one ideology or another is condemned in this book for being the source of much evil and few blessings. These human ambi- tions wrought invasions, occupations, expulsions, discrimination and racism on Palestine. The heroes of this book are therefore the victims of these calamities: women, children, peasants, workers, ordinary city dwellers, peaceniks, human rights activists. The ‘villains’ to a certain extent are the arrogant generals, the greedy politicians, the cynical statesmen and the misogynist men. Many of the victims were, and still are, the indige- nous people of Palestine, the Palestinians; but many of them also belong to the community of the newcomers, now evolving into a second genera- tion of natives, the Jews. We are constantly warned that we should not be slaves of our history and memory. This book is written with the view that in order to perform this liberation act in Israel and Palestine, you need first to rewrite, indeed salvage, a history that was erased and forgotten. The violent symbolic and real exclusion of people from the hegemonic narrative of the past is the source of the violence of the present. Various historians who came directly from the forgotten and marginalized communities in Palestine provided with their original and pioneering works the bricks with which I could attempt the present project of redrawing the historical picture of Palestine. This is done not for the sake of intellectual curiosity, but out of a wish to disseminate a more expanded narrative of what happened in a country that never ceases, to the great dismay of its inhabitants, to capture the global headlines, even if its population does not exceed that of London or New York and its territory is smaller than that of any of the Great Lakes of North America. It is both an introduction to those interested for the first time in the country – if there are still such fortunate persons – and a suggestion for an alternative narrative for those who think, quite understandably, that they have read everything they need to know of the torn and tortured land of Palestine.