The High-Medieval Royal Manor Complex (original) (raw)

6. The High-Medieval Royal Manor Complex

Rulership in 1st to 14th century Scandinavia, 2019

In 2017, the remains of a 51 meters long and 10 meters wide masonry building were excavated south of the 13th-century St Óláfr's Church at Avaldsnes. These remains represent the eastern wing of the high-medieval royal manor complex at Avaldsnes, of which the church constituted the northern wing. This chapter describes and discusses the layout, functions, and building history of the eastern wing. Part of the eastern wing was discovered and partially excavated in 2012; interpretations based on earlier results will be re-evaluated in light of new evidence. Historical sources, a selection of recovered artefacts, and results from scientific analyses are brought into the discussion. Central themes of discussion are the building history of the complex, the functions of its components and of the whole, and the possibility of continuity between the medieval manor and the rectory that later occupied the same site. The most important results are strong indications of precisely such continuity, evidence of at least two building phases around AD 1250 and 1300 and of a much larger and more monumental manor complex than was previously realised. Also, several observations indicate the distinctly multifunctional nature of the complex, well-suited to the geographical site and to the royal administration of the period.

7. The Royal Edifice at Avaldsnes: A Palatium for the King or a Residence for his Canons?

Rulership in 1st to 14th century Scandinavia, 2019

By comparing the Norwegian king's main residences and edifices, this chapter discusses the design and function of the excavated building complex at Avaldsnes. How does Avaldsnes fit into the royal building program at other royal edifices in the mid-13th to mid-14th century, especially the three other residences with a collegiate connected to the Norwegian Royal Chapel organisation established 1308? Is it possible to indicate whether the edifice at Avaldsnes was mainly a king's palatium or a residence for his canons? In addition to the royal edifices, particularly of the royal residence at Holmen in Bergen, episcopal princely edifices are discussed, especially in western Norway. The analysis indicates that the edifice at Avaldsnes follows the system of the front or façade wing in Bergen with its functions, however at a smaller scale and with a keep instead of a gatehouse. The royal workshop in Bergen seems to have taken part in the building activity at Avaldsnes. At Avaldsnes a freestanding stone building seems originally to have been erected contemporaneously with St Óláfr church and to the south of the church's chancel and with two possible functions; either as a chapter house for St Óláfr's priesthood or a royal keep, the building later to be included in the total wing. Based on a comparison with the other discussed royal edifices a keep seems possible and, if so, indicates that this original stone building was intended for the king and probably residential, maybe in combination with wooden buildings. Based on the comparison to other royal edifices, it is to be expected that the completed wing at Avaldsnes would hold the same functions as in a traditional royal residence with a hall, living quarters, and chapel (St Óláfr's), possibly with adjustments to accommodate the canons who most likely lived and worked there permanently, while the king resided there only for those periods when present at Avaldsnes. The newly excavated masonry remnants of a building complex close to St Óláfr's church at Avaldsnes raise a number of questions as to its interpretation with regard to its layout(s), its dating(s), and its function(s) (Sand-Eriksen and Nordlie this vol. Ch. 6). The following chapter will not look into the details of the Avaldsnes site, but rather will concentrate on other royal and princely building complexes from the same period, primary in western Norway but also in other parts of Norway. The aim and methodical approach of this chapter will thus be to create a foundation for the comparison of Avaldsnes with these other building complexes. The written narratives provide some premises for the interpretation. For example, Avaldsnes during the Norwegian Middle Ages (c. AD 1000-1537) was a royal manor, where King Hákon IV Hákonarson during his reign built a stone church dedicated to St Óláfr. King Hákon Magnússon in 1308 established a collegiate of more than one canon at Avaldsnes, as a part of the Royal Chapel organisation (Helle 1999; Lidén 1999). The sources document that the king and his entourage would stop at Avaldsnes, on their way to or from Bergen. Because the archaeological documentation indicates that the building complex at Avaldsnes was erected between the mid-to late 13th and early 14th centuries, it should be possible to connect the building activity to the king,

The 14th-century buildings of the curia of Alciston manor

Sussex Archaeological Collections, 2020

This paper presents the results of recent research into the manor of Alciston, particularly the manorial buildings during the 14th century. Contemporary descriptions of the manorial buildings are placed in the context of the agricultural landscape and village. Observations of the current landscape and standing structures have helped to inform this study. This analysis reveals how the manorial curia may have appeared to a visitor in the later Middle Ages. It shows how construction material was used to draw the viewer’s attention towards certain buildings. It also shows that the courtyard was organised to optimise farming practices, rather than as a display of lordly power. Alciston was one of the most important manors in the Battle Abbey estate and was regularly visited by the abbot. Studying the buildings of its curia provides new insights into life in medieval Sussex.

The medieval Cheviot manor of Aldensheles

Archaeologia Aeliana, 2022

On the south bank of the River Coquet, 3 km west of Alwinton, are the remains of a deserted settlement that is believed to be of medieval origin. Referred to as Linbrig, the settlement is divided into two parts separated by some 350 m; one is bisected by the road along the valley, while the other lies to the southeast on an area of rough grazing closer to the river; some structures in this latter part have been investigated by Coquetdale Community Archaeology (CCA). These excavations located over fifty pieces of well-dressed masonry, some being re-used in the buildings while others were not part of the structures. Some have been identified as of medieval ecclesiastical origin and appear out of place in what was almost certainly an upland farming community. In light of these finds, the history of both the site and the surrounding area is examined by reference to previous investigations and documentary sources. It is shown that the settlement was situated on the medieval manor of Aldensheles; a fourteenth-century Patent roll entry refers to a now-lost chapel on this manor and this may be the source of some of the dressed masonry. The history of the manor, its likely medieval boundaries and subsequent changes to them and possible sites for the chapel are discussed.

Two Wiltshire Manors and their Manorial Buildings

2016

This paper will explore how manorial accounts from the fourteenth century can be used by archaeologists to understand buildings that no longer survive. The long series of accounts of the Wiltshire manors of Longbridge Deverill and Monkton Deverill provide an excellent basis for study. By using documentary sources, rather than archaeological ones, this paper suggests that it is possible to build a picture of the manorial buildings over time, as they change and are rebuilt. It is also possible to understand the wider estate of which the manor is part, and the economics of medieval building maintenance.

The Courtyard and The Tower: Contexts and Symbols in the Development of Late Medieval Great Houses

Journal of the British Archaeological Association, 1993

The final two centuries of the Middle Ages are conventionally considered a period in which castles and castle-building were in decline. 'The Decline of the Castle'and 'Decline 3 are the titles of chapters dealing with this period in books written by Allen Brown. 1 In each case the contrast with what went before is strongly emphasised: the previous chapters are named 'The Perfected Castle 3 and 'Apogee 3. 2 In the same vein, these final centuries after c. 1300 have been described as 'the period of decline in use but survival in fantasy 3 in a recent authoritative account, significantly entitled The Decline of the Castle. 3 Our view of this period is different. We consider that the castles of the later Middle Ages show a steady development, not a decline, and the main elements of that development can already be traced in buildings of the'Golden Age 3. 4 OUR THEMES, the symbols of the courtyard and the tower, are visible in the arrangements of 1283 at Caernarvon. 5 The King's Gate of this castle was a novel and complex affair placed to divide the interior of the castle into two halves. The entrance passageway beyond the central polygonal chamber directed traffic at right angles westwards into a lower courtyard. 6 This contained the principal hall and its services, and a series of accommodation lodges in mural towers. All this is a conventional arrangement: what is much odder is that this lower courtyard contained also the visual focus of the castle, the Eagle Tower, emphasised particularly from the outside by its greater size and by its termination in a triple crown of turrets, originally given additional importance by the placing of sculptures of eagles on its battlements. The purpose of this striking design is a strong statement of the fulfilment of the Dream of Macsen Wledig in the person of Edward I and his son, a statement whose propaganda must have been obvious to the defeated Welsh aristocrats. The symbolism of all this has been examined by Dr Arnold Taylor, 7 who further identified the Eagle Tower as the intended residence of the king's Justiciar of Wales and first constable of the castle, Edward's loyal supporter Otto de Grandson, and his conclusions seem now to be accepted. However, what has not been explained is why this significant element of the symbolism of the castle was placed in the lower ward, and not (where one might expect) in the inner bailey. While the Justiciar was provided for in the Eagle Tower, accommodation for the constable or his military deputy was arranged around the hall on the top floor of the King's Gate. 8 The two royal officials-keeper of Caernarvon and viceroy of the principality-were thus catered for at the main entrance and in the lower courtyard. The third household, to be accommodated in the unfinished ranges in the upper ward, must thus be that of the king himself. The arrangement closely resembles the bipartite design of Conway. 9 Here the hall and lodgings occupy the lower courtyard entered from the town, while the more remote eastern bailey formed a tiny courtyard house for the king and queen, with an external gate to the waterside similar to the placing of the Queen's Gate at Caernarvon. The additional element in this comparison is the placing of the Eagle Tower in the lower bailey at Caernarvon.