Cameroon Unravels (original) (raw)

President Paul Biya and the Anglophone Problem in Cameroon

2004

The elevation of Prime Minister Paul Biya to President of Cameroon on November 6, 1982 roused high expectations of political change in the country. The English-speaking population in particular expected him to" solve" the so-called anglophone problem he inherited from his predecessor Ahmadou Ahidjo. However, nationwide euphoria was soon to give way to popular disenchantment that has only grown worse ever since.

CAMEROON POLITICAL LEADERSHIP AND NIGHTMARE EPISODE 1982 -2008: THE OPPORTUNITIES LOST AND GAINED IN SECURING A NATIONAL CONSENSUS

David Nchinda Keming Ph.D, 2018

Abstract The present study is focused on the key episodes that threatened the foundation and existence of Cameroon and evaluates the astuteness of Biya’s craftsmanship in managing the events from 1982 to 2008. It examines the mechanics used by him in handling the incidences and how his approach shaped the fate of the country. Such events included the resignation of Ahidjo in 1982, the abortive coup against Biya 1983, the economic crisis1986, the re-introduction of multiparty in 1990, the devaluation of the CFA franc in 1994, along with the Cameroon-Nigeria crisis, the SCNC coup plots and the transport workers strike. These events represent crucial moments of shock and bewilderment(nightmares) not only because they provided a completely new leadership matrix to the Cameroun government but also because, the mainstream political leadership was ravelled by internal wrangling and sufficient confusion in attempting to provide lasting solutions. With the use of qualitative methodology, a critique of primary, secondary and tertiary sources, the article validates that the diplomacy of compromise, abscond and revenge employed by the New Deal Regime in response to the episodes was a mere political gimmick that guaranteed no sustainability in the Cameroon political progress. Keywords: political leadership, diplomacy, nightmares, compromise, revenge

Cameroon: Over twelve years of cosmetic democracy

2002

It is election day in Cameroon, Sunday, June 23, 2002. Polling stations nationwide have opened. Cameroonians are queuing up to vote for councillors and parliamentarians, when suddenly on national television and radio President Paul Biya postpones the elections for a week. His reason: inadequate preparations and poor distribution of ballot papers due to the incompetence of the Minister of Territorial Administration (MINAT)—Ferdinand Koungou Edima, whom Biya dismisses along with some of his key collaborators.

Understanding the Durability of the Paul Biya Regime in Cameroon: A Micro-Level Approach Using Afrobarometer's Round 7 National Survey

Current Research Journal of Social Sciences, 2022

Paul Biya, who has been in power in Cameroon as a prime minister from 1975 to 1982 and as a president since 1982, is now the longest-ruling non-royal national leader of the world. While this durability has baffled many observers worldwide, it has not yet attracted much attention from academia. In fact, the current literature on Cameroonian politics generally focuses on the dictatorial characteristics of the Paul Biya regime, not on its durability. The purpose of this paper is to fill this gap in the literature. Adopting a micro-level (or bottom-up) approach, we try to understand why most Cameroonians are willing to stay under the same ruler for at least two generations. Using the Afrobarometer's round 7 national surveys in Cameroon, we apply simple statistical analyses and machine learning (or predictive analytics) to determine to what extent the Cameroonian people support their president and his regime and to identify the predictors (or determinants) of such support. As a result, we find that, despite the socalled "Anglophone crisis" and Boko Haram's attacks in the North, most Cameroonians, especially the French speakers, still approve of the job performance of Biya. The main factors behind this approval have more to do with their trust in the president himself, the approval of the job performance of their parliament members, and their regional location than with the conduct of the country's political affairs or the management of the national economy.

Cameroon: Is the absence of war peace?

Over the years I have keenly observed the various speeches made by Cameroon's head of state, some senior government officials, and even casual conversations among ordinary fellow Cameroonians. I am baffled at how many of them define peace in this 21 st century. During last month's Africa-U.S. leader summit, I was (I would say fortunate) to attend one of the side events in Washington, DC titled "Investing in Africa," where president Paul Biya was scheduled to deliver a keynote speech. Though he was no-show (as usual), his minister in charge of private duties gave the president's speech in his stead. During the memorably absurd 20 minutes address, a single sentence quickly caught my attention: "our country enjoys peace and stability with democratic institutions, which are solid and functioning normally". Really?! These words left me pondering over what truly constitutes peace in any given society. Though everyone loves peace and would like to see it reign, the question that beats my imagination is: does the absence of war means peace? Jude A. Mutah is a peace activist. He currently serves as a Research Assistant with the Africa program at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington, DC.

Impact and Prospects of the Trump/Biden Administrations on Cameroon’s Political Economy

Academia Letters, 2021

Cameroon and the United States of America (USA) had enjoyed excellent bilateral relations since Cameroon became and independent country in 1960/61. Using some concepts of international political economy such as international trade, international finance, international migration, multinational corporations, etc. this paper profiles the level of cooperation between these two states. It upholds the argument that relations were generally good until 2016 with the outburst of the Anglophone crises that they began to decline. Conceptual Framework This paper cannot be well understood without due attention given to some concepts in the study of political economy such as international trade and international migration. International trade According to Duane E. Sams, the year 1982 was a period of unprecedented U.S. government and private sector interest and activity in Cameroon. In January, Secretary of Commerce Malcolm Baldrige and Secretary of Agriculture John R. Block led a team of American businessmen to Cameroon on a trade and investment mission. In July, the then President of Cameroon, Ahmadou Ahidjo, met with President Reagan, toured the United States and met