The divergent aims of the struggle for women’s suffrage in Spain (1918–1924) (original) (raw)

Political culture, Catalan nationalism, and the women's movement in early twentieth-century Spain

Women's Studies International Forum, 1996

Synopsis-This article discusses the relationship between political culture, state construction, and Catalan nationalism in relation to the development of the women's movement in early 20th century Catalonia. The historical understanding of Spanish feminisms has to account for political diversity, central state national values, and nationalist cultural identity in the articulation of the diverse strands of the women's movement. This study also argues that the liberal identification of feminism with the struggle for female enfranchisement constitutes an insufficient interpretative framework for the study of historical feminism in Spain. Feminism is explored as a social movement that is shaped by women's collective historical experience and social apprenticeship in social movements, political culture, and gender realities. In this ease, it is argued that the social itinerary of Catalan women through their integration into the Catalan nationalist movement structured their collective expectations and shaped their view of feminism.

Universal male suffrage and the political regeneration in Spain and France (1868-1871)

Historia y Política: Ideas, Procesos y Movimientos Sociales

Throughout the 19 th century, the establishment and the consolidation of universal male suffrage was a slow and difficult process. It was instituted in several nations where revolutions and/or wars had created a need for it. This was the case in Spain and in France where, between 1868 and 1871, a change in the political regime led to the introduction of legislative elections. In this context, universal suffrage, together with certain other rights, was considered a basic element for political regeneration. Thus, the initiatives taken by the political parties that were fighting for seats, the reaction of the media, the citizens confronted with the announcement of elections, and the attitude of the Government constituted a novel political environment. 1 This article is part of the research project "Historia cultural de la corrupción política en España y América Latina. Siglos xix-xx". MINECO-FEDER (UE): HAR2015-64973-P ((I+D+i).

Gender and Social Movements. The case of the Indignados movement in Spain

This research digs into the treatment of gender in social movements. Continuing the work on how gender appears in social movements after the new social movements of the 1960's, this study looks into two aspects that are considered key to understanding gender in contemporary social movements: their internal organization and the ideology they produced. For this purpose, the research follows the work of the feminist and queer groups -called assemblies- that participated in the recent “Indignados Movement” in Spain in 2011. An interesting factor of this movement is that it occupied public spaces to install their headquarters, which differs from other social movements and gives special relevance to gender dynamics. Many people camped in those squares with very different backgrounds, working and sleeping in the same place. It seemed a representation of society in a smaller scale, and the patriarch logic that governs most of our society was obviously present in the movement.

The Hijacking of Feminism by Spanish Populism: The Unidas

The International Journal of Populism, 2022

This paper explores the relationship between feminism and populism. With this purpose, this paper focusses on the case of the political coalition Unidas Podemos, which is currently participating in the Spanish Government. Its political action particularly reflects the main argument of this paper: populism has hijacked the feminist movement in Spain. This result can be observed in three turns that populism and feminism implement together: punitivism, identitarian politics, and the emphasis on the emotional side of the political discourse. The conclusion will be that if (and only if) feminism maintains its independence from populism, can it retain the credibility of its claims that are rationally plausible in the democratic agenda.

Voices of the vanquished: Leftist women and the Spanish Civil War

Journal of Spanish Cultural Studies, 2003

What kinds of stories do women tell about their experiences with war and revolution? When I first traveled to Spain in 1997 to begin an oral history project about radical leftist women who had participated in the Spanish Civil War (1936)(1937)(1938)(1939), I began to record life histories that play out what Miriam Cooke, in Women and the War Story, theorizes as a woman's alternative to the traditionally male, orderly, and mythic War Story. Cooke explains that women's war stories, 'instead of endlessly repeating tales of roles and experiences in which war mirrors the experience of its predecessors, [ . . . ] should allow for the narration of war's dynamism and incomprehensibility ' (1996: 40). What Cooke is getting at, and what I adopted as my methodological frame, is a challenge to the authority of experience that comes from the institutionally sanctioned version of the history of war. If women tell and/or write their war stories in such a way that reflects or even embraces the messiness of war, then the women narrators and the scholars who disseminate their histories may be able to interrupt certain static historiographies in order to redefine the categories by which war is staged, waged, and then told (1996: 40). It is precisely because women's war stories are often digressive and complicated, incomplete and fractured, that they acquire their disruptive power. If we really want to look at war in all its complexity, then, women's narratives of conflict, which struggle against the limits of recognizable generic models, are the most experientially affective representational models that can give us access to the phenomenon of war.

A Vote for One's Own? The Suffrage Claim as a Question of Class and Gender Relations in the early Women's Movement

Votes for Women" was one of the most important demands in early European Women's Movements, advancing to a powerful image of women's liberation. In the wake of the political transformation after the French Revolution visionary thinkers of the European Enlightenment -like Olympe de Gouges ([1791] 1980: 44), Mary Wollstonecraft ([1792] 1989: 61f) or Gottfried Hippel (1792: 194) -had pointed out the scandalous exclusion of women from civil rights in Europe (Sledziewski 2006: 47). Soon after, political activists mobilized for women's emancipation and equal political rights. For many feminists, women's suffrage symbolised the full recognition of citizenship for women as members of the state with all rights and obligations. This idea of political participation relates to a strong narrative tradition of historical women's movements in different European countries. Furthermore, women's suffrage was an important issue for processes of democratisation, state-building and the rise of liberalism in general (Mayhall/Levine/Fletcher 2000: xv). However, a deeper historical and empirical enquiry into the relations of the (early) Women's movement shows some limits of this universal idea: Not only was the claim for 'the Vote' addressed to patriarchal national systems which systematically excluded women from the public sphere of political affairs, but it was itself a battlefield of unequal power distributions. In many national movements, main organizations and important leaders of the suffrage campaign demanded only a limited vote to the same conditions as men. That demand did not include working class women and it ignored the exclusion of working class men from suffrage. This discrepancy forced heated debates at international gatherings of Women's Movement Organizations (N.N., 12.09.1910, Gleichheit: 387f). A comparison of the German and the British Women's Movement offers insights into the deep impact of gender and class relations on the struggle for the vote in different political environments. This perspective explains different outcomes of the suffrage campaign in both countries after World War I and shows the importance of representation in social movements itself.