Racializing Misogyny: Sexuality and Gender in the New Online White Nationalism (original) (raw)
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White Femininity and Trolling Historicizing Some Visual Strategies of Today's Far Right
Violence and Trolling on Social Media, 2020
This section interrogates historical prefigurations of anti-immigrant online vitriol following sexual assaults that occurred during the 2015 New Year's Eve in Cologne. The study of the post-Cologne inventory of European far-right memes and internet portals draws on anti-miscegenation iconography and narratives that reach back to European imperialisms. Apart from cataloguing fairly well-documented dehumanizing representations of non-white men, it brings about an ambiguous figure of a white woman. While white women typically symbolize national dignity, they, too, have been perceived as unpatriotic traitors and stakes in biopolitical warfare on democratic institutions. After Cologne, online trolling closely resonated with some politicians' calls for more surveillance, arming citizens, expulsions of immigrants, and attempts at political recuperation of feminism on the far right. Keywords: race and gender in colonial discourses, New Year's Eve in Cologne, Far Right memes, feminism and intersectionality, miscegenation 'Just as human productions cannot be divided into a desiring-production on the one hand and a 'material' production on the other, so also can men in power not be seen to have made that distinction in the process of establishing and consolidating their power. It was two aspects of a single conquest that set up white masters over the coloured nations of the world and placed the dominant male ego of the emergent bourgeoisie in a position of domination over women in his own society. He [white male-EP] would continue to employ those women as the colourful raw material for shaping the images and setting the boundaries that were so necessary to secure his domination'
Anglistica AION: An interdisciplinary journal, 2020
Anglistica AION: An interdisciplinary journal International Peer-Reviewed Journal Call for Papers for the Special Issue: "Re-Defining Gender, Sexuality, and Discourse in the Global Rise of Right-Wing Extremism" Edited by Giuseppe Balirano and Rodrigo Borba Description: This forthcoming issue of Anglistica AION (http://bit.ly/37rcesY) aims to present a systematic consideration of the political agenda and discourses of contemporary right-wing extremist movements by looking at the discursive (de)constructions of gender and gender non-conforming developments, in the distant but associated contexts of Europe and Latin America. In particular, the editors are interested in bringing to the fore not only the recurring right-wing extremist discourses on the building of transnational networking but above all the ways and reasons these networks choose their specific victims/targets in an analogous transnational way. The contributors will, therefore, analyse the contemporary right-wing extremist tendencies to redefine and often arrest gender developments in the multimodal discourses such movements craftily construct. This edited volume, in fact, intends to investigate the linguistic and semiotic practices enacted by right-wing extremist groups, politicians, institutions, organizations and movements within a gender-specific perspective. All papers will look at right-wing extremist discourses and counter-discourses on gender and sexuality with a view to understanding their constitution in order to highlight the challenges they pose to democracies. Possible areas of inquiry may include, but are not limited to: - The discursive strategies used by right-wing extremists to canvass the population's support against gender equity; - The discursive and semiotic infrastructure of fake news on gender and sexuality and their role constituting disinformation orders and moral panic; - The reconfiguration of what is politically doable and sayable in the public sphere and its relation with processes of de-democratization; - The production of affective polarization through rhetorics of division in which gender and sexuality take centre stage; - The discursive production of concepts such as 'gender ideology', 'gender theory', 'genderism', 'gender lobby' and their material effects on a variety of contexts (e.g., politics, education, foreign affairs, the media, etc.); - The transnational circulation of right-wing extremist discourses and ideologies against gender equity and sexual liberation and how they are localized within specific national borders; - The intersections of racism, xenophobia, sexism, ableism, homophobia and other oppressive discourses within right-wing extremism; - The production of counter-discourses and practices of resistance to right-wing extremist anti-gender and anti-LGBTIQ+ stance; - The repurposing of progressive vocabulary (e.g., gender, freedom of speech, human rights, etc.) in order to advance reactionary worldviews. The global rise of the far-right with its ensuing strategies and political consequences currently stands as a crucial issue that cuts across geographical and disciplinary boundaries. This special issue is particularly interested in the discursive and linguistic dimensions of this phenomenon. Understanding the infrastructure of far-right discourses requires an interdisciplinary spectrum of approaches which includes, but is not limited to, critical discourse analysis, corpus linguistics, multimodal (critical) discourse analysis, linguistic anthropology, pragmatics, interactional sociolinguistics, political discourse analysis, queer linguistics, among others. Submission of abstracts: Authors wishing to contribute to this issue are invited to send an abstract of their proposed article of no more than 300 words (excluding references) in MS Word format by 1 April 2020 to Giuseppe Balirano (gbalirano@unior.it) and Rodrigo Borba (rodrigoborba@letras.ufrj.br) [CC anglistica@unior.it]. Important dates: Deadline for abstracts: 1 April 2020 Notification of acceptance: 15 April 2020 Deadline for completed articles: 31 July 2020
Studies in Theatre and Performance, 2021
ABSTRACT The terror attack carried out at two mosques in Aotearoa New Zealand by a white supremacist in 2019 was intended as a spectacle for mass public consumption. Its live-stream on Facebook invited hyper-identification (akin to a first-person shooter game), exploiting the disembodied nature of digital connection. In this essay, I draw from Judith Butler’s concept of ‘hallucinatory merging’ to characterize this performativity and to suggest that both the killings and their filming were an attack on the ‘generativity’ of the assembly of bodies-in-prayer. The public response led by New Zealand’s Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern avowedly rejected the ideology of white supremacy that motivated the attack. Her remark that ‘this is not us’ galvanized public sentiment, generating waves of public solidarity and a variety of public counter-performances. At the same time, this was a white supremacist act carried out in a settler (post-colonial) society, throwing into sharp relief the everyday performances of racial intolerance that trouble the notion that this is ‘not us,’ a point made by various communities including Indigenous Māori. In tracing the two opposed modes of performance – that of white supremacist exclusivity and a national narrative of inclusion – I reflect on their entanglement as well as their distinction.
THE WOMEN OF STORMFRONT: AN EXAMINATION OF WHITE NATIONALIST
Although a plethora of literature exists on hate or extremist group activity, the role of racist women remains an unexplored area. The current study sought to explore one method of communication for racist women, the Internet. The researchers conducted a content analysis on 227 discussion threads provided on one of the oldest extremist websites on the Internet, Stormfront. The purpose of this study was to investigate the content of the discussion threads described as 'For Stormfront Ladies Only.' Of primary interest to the researchers was whether the content discussed by women in this 'White Nationalist' cyber community supported the assertion by some scholars that the role of women in racist activities is undergoing a transformation and the implications of this study in that regard are discussed.
Balirano, G. / Borba, R. (eds) 2021. Re-defining Gender, Sexuality, and Discourse in the Global Rise of Right-wing Extremism. Anglistica AION: An Interdisciplinary Journal [Special Issue]. ISSN: 2035-8504., 2021
It is within this wider debate that conflates gender with far-right resentment that this issue of Anglistica AION pursues its aims. The contributions all contend a common denominator: the need to remain vigilant and steadfast when dealing with the far-right crusade against gender equality. In all the case studies in this issue, the essence of far-right resistance is embodied by a political agenda that aims to preserve heterocisnormative family ethics, traditional gender values, and the naturalised hierarchies of the conventional roles of men and women. It is against this background that the scholars whose work makes up this edited publication have approached the far-right centrality of gendered arguments and gendered policies. Through various well-established approaches in sociolinguistics (such as Corpus Linguistics, Critical Discourse Analysis, Linguistic Anthropology to name but a few), each contribution analyses the importance of gender within far-right rhetoric, yielding subject matter that is both insightful and original.
Religions, 2021
This article traces the transnational flows of constructions of the hypersexualized Muslim male through a comparative analysis of love jihad in India and the specter of grooming gangs in the UK. While the former is conceived as an act of seduction and conversion, and the latter through violent rape imaginaries, foregrounding both of these narratives are sexual, gender, and family dynamics that are integral to the fear of demographic change. Building upon these narratives, this study analyzes how influential women in Hindu nationalist and European/North American far-right milieus circulate images, videos, and discourses on social media that depict Muslim men as predatory and violent, targeting Hindu and white girls, respectively. By positioning themselves as the daughters, wives, and mothers of the nation, these far-right female influencers invoke a sense of reproductive urgency, as well as advance claims of the perceived threat of, and safety from, hypersexualized Muslim men. This article illustrates how local ideological narratives of Muslim sexuality are embedded into global Islamophobic tropes of gendered nationalist imaginaries.
White supremacy & christchurch attack , article
The terror attacks on mosques upon the Muslims all over the world, especially in the US and Europe, have become the latest example of growing far-right terrorism and the global spread of Islamophobia where extreme nationalist and white supremacist ideologies appear to be at the core of this kind of attacks. The terrorist used internet as a weapon of his attack as he used Facebook, Twitter and other social medias to spread his ideology through live streaming the video of his shooting and publishing the manifesto before the attack in social media platform. If we analyze the attack and the attacker’s motive from a criminological perspective, it can be explained that political radicalization along with individual radicalization process play a very important role as a dimension of increasing extremity of beliefs, feelings, and behaviors in support of intergroup conflict and violence towards the pathways of terrorism.
Projected Hate: Gender Identity, Sexual Orientation, and White Supremacism
Homeland Security Today
It is no secret that white supremacist groups are racist, antisemitic, Islamophobic, and xenophobic. They are also violently homophobic and transphobic. Indeed, sexual orientation and gender identity is the third most common hate crime motivation, behind race, ethnicity, and nationality and religion, with 171 hate crime offenders being motivated by transphobia or homophobia since 1990. This trend is unsurprising when one considers that white supremacists are often conservative Christians who condemn anything but binary sexual identities and extol traditional sex roles for men and women. Additionally, one of the most famous white supremacist slogans, “We must secure the existence of our people and a future for white children”, implies a requirement for heterosexual sex for the purpose of procreation and, in the eyes of white supremacists, strict gender binaries wherein women are responsible for producing and raising the future generations. White supremacists also tend to portray gay men and transgender women, in particular, as being predators who groom children for pedophilia. Therefore, white supremacists’ ire directed at the LGBTQ+ community in general and specifically white people within it who are viewed as sexually perverted, a danger to their children, and as failing to do their duty to the race (i.e., maintaining traditional family values and procreating). Of course, all of these hateful ideas are incorporated into these groups’ overarching ideology which directs most of its hate toward Jews, positing that when Jews are not conducting the “great replacement” through immigration and interracial marriage, they are doing so by perverting culture and promoting homosexuality and gender fluidity. According to some white supremacist ideologies, “turning white men gay” also makes them easier to control. It may be surprising, then, for the outside observer to learn that many far-right violent extremist groups advocate for LGBTQ+ rights and even have openly LGBTQ+ leaders and public faces. For example, Milo Yiannopoulos, who has decried “feminazis” as breaking down (white) male hegemony, is gay and claims Jewish ancestry as well. Indeed, doing so allows these violent groups to mainstream their racist claims and at the same time degrade and demonize cultures they view as “backward,” namely Islam. Similarly, whereas white supremacist groups typically view women as “breeders” who should be valued only as wives and mothers, many far-right, ultra-nationalist groups are led by women who feel empowered, albeit often because they feel as though they are exceptional and special in being respected by otherwise misogynistic men. Notably, ISIS, too, presented its strict enforcement of traditional gender roles as a means of subjugating women while making them feel empowered in their decision to adhere to the strictest interpretation of their religion.
In B. Perry, J. Gruenwald, & R. Scrivens (Eds.), Right-wing extremism in Canada and the United States (pp. 215-254). Cham: Palgrave Macmillan., 2022
1 The SPLC breaks down its Hate Map by ideology (e.g., anti-immigrant, anti-LGBTQ, Holocaust denial, male supremacy, etc.). 2 Following the Institute for Research on Male Supremacism (IRMS), we recognize the difference between the incel identity and violent misogynist incel ideology (Recommendations for Media Reporting on Incels-Institute for Research on Male Supremacism, n.d.). Although we use the term "incel" throughout the body of this chapter, the materials on which the analysis is based originate from misogynist incels who have committed acts of mass violence.