Der Exodus-Landnahme-Zusammenhang Ex-Jos und die Figur der Rahab (Jos 2,1–24 + 6,17.22–25) – postkoloniale Perspektiven, in:Stuttgarter Biblische Beiträge 76 Egbert Ballhorn (Hg.) Übergänge Das Buch Josua in seinen Kontexten (original) (raw)
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2022
Es ergibt sich, dass das Josuabuch, wenngleich es ähnlich wie Dtn 2–3 ältere Überlieferungen verarbeitet, die sicher einst ebenso mit der Pentateuchüberlieferung verbunden waren (Hexateuchzusammenhang), als eigenständiges dtr Buch konzipiert ist. Offenkundig sucht man eine dem Resümee in Ri 1–2 entsprechende Vorstufe der Überlieferung zu einer triumphalen Landnahme auszuformulieren. Das Ergebnis steht in einer Spannung zu den Rekapitulationen der Landnahme, die wir am Anfang des Richterbuches finden, wie sie überlieferungskritisch wahrscheinlich im Hintergrund des uns vorliegenden Josuabuches gestanden haben.
The Exodus narrative of the Bible is the theological founding myth of Israel: Since the Exodus from Egypt, Israel has been God's people and belongs to God alone, and not to any earthly power. This essay traces the literary and theo logical profiles and the historical circumstances of the origin of this narrative, including the latest research in biblical scholarship. Die Exoduserzählung der Bibel ist die theologische Grün dungslegende Israels: Seit dem Auszug aus Ägypten ist Israel Gottes Volk und nur ihm allein, und keinen irdischen Mächten, verpflichtet. Dieser Aufsatz zeichnet die literarischen und theologischen Profile und die historischen Entstehungs gegebenheiten dieser Erzählung nach und summiert den neuesten Forschungs stand der Bibelwissenschaft.
Ederer, Matthias; Schmitz, Barbara (Hg.), Exodus. Interpretation durch Rezeption (SBB 74), Stuttgart: Katholisches Bibelwerk, 2017
Viewing the three passages Ex 12,8-9, Dtn 16,7 and 2 Chr 35,13 together, one can conclude on the basis of the proposal to understand the Hebrew root bšl in the general sense of "to prepare" that the Passover animal is always roasted at the fire without the use of vessels and water. Ex 12,8-9 describes the preparation method positive and negative. The canonical reading process presupposes the knowledge of this procedure when it arrives at Dtn 16,7. The Passover animal during the Passover celebrated under King Joshua (2 Chr 35) is also prepared in this way. From the viewpoint of the symbolism of rituals, one could interpret the roasting at the open fire without vessel and without water as a sign for a fast and easy cooking method, which shall remind one of the hasty departure from Egypt. This way of preparing the Passover animal corresponds to the hasty production of unleavened bread (mazzot). Under King Josiah, the Passover animal is not the only meat meal in the Passover Mazzot Festival week according to the representation of 2 Chr 35,13 (35,17; cf. Ez 45,21). As a new element compared to Ex 12 and Dtn 16, the salvific community offerings are added: donated sacrificial animals are slaughtered according to this type of sacrifice, their fat is offered on the altar of the deity (Yahweh) and the remaining pieces of meat are prepared in vessels and distributed to the people as "holy offerings." According to 35:18-19, the Chronicle is full of admiration for this Passover that is received as unique since the days of Samuel35—but we do not know whether it legitimizes a practice of its time or propagates a wish for an ideal Passover. Perhaps it refers to both perspectives: legitimation of those elements which, from the point of view of the Chronicle, agree with the ideal past and the regulations of the Torah—and correction of the deviations from them in the actual ceremonial practice.
Ägypten und Altes Testament, 2022
Semitic toponyms in the Wadi Tumilat, which mostly date to the Late Ramesside Period, are an indication that this region was inhabited at that time by a western Semitic population. They may have been survivors of the Hyksos Period even though the syllabic writing and the chronology of the toponyms indicate that they may better be identified with settled Shasu nomads, such as mentioned in Papyrus Anastasi VI, who came from the region of Edom seeking “temporary” permission to stay in the Wadi in order to keep their flocks alive. With some caution some of them may be considered as Proto-Israelites with the understanding that the ethnogenesis of these people had not yet been terminated. Because of the toponym Gsm and other reasons, the Wadi can be identified as the biblical land of Goshen. A complete four-room-house and a part of another one had been found in the precinct of the temple of Aya and Horemheb in western Thebes. According to the excavators from the University of Chicago these buildings were shelters for workmen who had to quarry from this temple building material for a nearby temple project of Ramses IV. Most likely they were also Shasu-nomades, former prisoners of war, captured during a campaign by Ramses III in the region of Seïr (Papyrus Harris I.76: 9–11). This is more or less the same region from which the Shasu, mentioned in papyrus Anastasi VI, came from and at the same time a region where, according to the Bible, the Lord came forth (Deut. 33:2; Judg. 5:4; Habakuk 3:3). The four-room-house appears at the same time at the end of the 13th and the 12th century BC in Canaan and is considered to be the prototypical house of the Israelites until the Babylonian Exile. It was at least in use in the 12th century BC by carriers of the same Iron Age I culture as the Proto-Israelites. The settling places of the early Israelites at Goshen and Ramses were in all likelihood not identical but two different regions, one in the Wadi Tumilat and the other in the environment of the Delta residence of the Ramses- sides: Piramesse. The two regions were not well connected in the geographic conditions of that time. Therefore, at least two different realistic Exodus scenarios can be offered. One during the ascent of the founder of the 20th Dynasty Sethnakht who came to power against an opposition which seems to have bought the support of Near- Easteners. Here the exit route from the Ramses Town along the easternmost Nile branch to the north-west and the crossing of the predecessor of the Ballah Lakes can be offered. A second scenario could be reconstructed in the time after the invasion of the Sea Peoples and the loss of the province of Canaan under Ramses III. This king conducted at that time substantive defensive constructions at Tell er-Retaba, a site with a temple of Atum, and therefore can be identified with the second major biblical town in Egypt Pithom. It seems therefore likely that local settlers, among them former Shasu nomads, were recruited for such works in this otherwise thinly settled area. As a second Exodus route for unhappy recruits, one may identify the track to the east and through the Timsah Lake and finally to the south Sinai. The period of Ramses III and his successors would also fit to the absence of meeting Egyptians after the crossing of the Sea of Reeds in the narrative of the Exodus as the province of Canaan had been abandoned by the Egyptians latest in the second part of the 12th century BC. This is the most likely period of settlement in Canaan and would explain the prolonged time of wandering. The combination of Egyptian toponyms mentioned in the books Genesis and Exodus and the geographic context have the likeliest fitting in the Ramesside geography of the eastern Delta. Later editorial input also brings Late Period concepts into the picture; nevertheless, the Ramesside context remains still clearly recognizable.
(Un-)Gerechtigkeit!?. Beteiligung des Christentums an einer (un-)gerechten Welt, 2023
Lena Janneck und Alexander Schmitt fragen im Zusammenhang mit Jes 19,16–25 nach der dekolonialen Wende der Theologie und der Notwendigkeit sowie Praxis einer dekolonialen Exegese. Sie charakterisieren das dekoloniale Projekt als Fundamentalkritik an der epistemischen und praktischen gewalttätigen Selbstuniversalisierung der europäischen Moderne. Den dialektischen Gegenpol dieser Moderne bildet dabei die ›Kolonialität‹, unter der die moderne/koloniale Herrschaftslogik zu verstehen ist. Im Anschluss an diese Überlegungen befragen Janneck/Schmitt Jes 19,16–25 auf dessen koloniale und dekoloniale Implikationen. Zum Einen erkennen sie in diesem Text dekoloniale Ansätze, insofern mit diesem Text das biblische Israel seine eigene Universalität relativiert, ohne sein besonderes YHWH-Verhältnis aufzugeben. Der Text lässt den Versuch erkennen, neben Israel auch andere Völker als ›Gottesvölker‹ anzuerkennen. Auch wenn der Text damit wichtige dekoloniale Impulse setzt, spiegelt er gleichzeitig koloniale Muster seines Entstehungskontextes wider und kann die Andersheit der anderen Völker nicht voll anerkennen. Eine dekoloniale Exegese müsse sich daher mit diesen beiden Aspekten biblischer Texte kritisch auseinandersetzen: Anerkennende Analyse der dekolonialen Ansätze bei gleichzeitiger kritischer Offenlegung der kolonialen Momente der Texte. Eine solche Exegese bildet damit einen zentralen Teil einer »erkenntnistheoretischen Entkolonialisierung der Theologie« (Enrique Dussel) hin zu einem Mehr an globaler Gerechtigkeit.
Theologische Zeitschrift, 2011
The exodus narrative (Ex 1–14*) is an originally independent work, which utilizes the tradition of the exodus of Israel from Egypt in order to solve an aporia of the ancient near eastern international law. The subject of this narrative is not the migration of Israelite prisoners of war, but rather the legitimacy of the rescission of the vassal status by Israel. According to the traditional view only the suzerain is entitled to release a vassal from his duty of loyality and paying tribute. Contrary to that, the exodus narrative provides a model how a relation of dependency may be annuled from the side of the vassal. In order to achieve this goal the God of Israel is introduced, who in the course of the plague narrative proves himself to be superior to the Pharaoh. Israel obtains her freedom by changing from the dominion of the Pharaoh to the dominion of Yahweh, the God of Israel. Comparable legal constructs are frequently attested in ancient near eastern sources: Cities or peoples are released from their duties toward the king in favour of their god or his temple respectively. Another legal procedure which stands in the background of the exodus narrative is the so-called sacred manumission. Here, a slave who is about to be manumitted comes in possession of a god or his temple respectively by being sold or transfered in some other way. The involvement of the divine lord ensures that the freedman cannot be enslaved again. The exodus narrative picks up these legal models and thereby advocates its claim for Isreal’s release from dependency.