“...competence applies only to Slovakia.” State Monuments Department in Bratislava and Carpathian Ruthenia (original) (raw)
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Czechoslovakia: State Formation and Administrative-Territorial Organization
The paper traces the evolution of administrative-territorial units in Czechoslovakia since the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and relates them to the process of state formation. Debates on Czechoslovakia's political-administrative organization are resumed, beginning from the Czech lands and Slovakia in the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, to the first Czechoslovak Republic (1918-38), the Communist period (1948-89) and the developments after 1989.
New state borders and (dis)loyalties to Czechoslovakia in Subcarpathian Rus, 1919–25
Routledge eBooks, 2022
This article aims to discuss how useful the data from the censuses and election results of the early 1920s are in reconstructing the loyalties and disloyalties of the Subcarpathian population towards the Czechoslovak state. It argues that the priority for the new state was territorial expansion, which would allow it to function in economic and military terms, even though it was clear that such a course of action would mean the inclusion of a disloyal Hungarian minority within the new state. Although the Jewish minority was also viewed with suspicion by the largely Czech administrators, it was soon realized that its recognition in a census would diminish the strength of the Hungarian minority. Even though the Hungarian rural population voted in large numbers for pro-government parties in the elections of 1924 and 1925, despite the lack of Hungarian candidates on the ballots, there was no serious effort on the part of the Czechoslovak state to turn them into loyal citizens. In the case of the Rusyn population, the Czech authorities expected their loyalty almost automatically in gratitude for their liberation from 'the Hungarian yoke'. However, it soon became clear that the political ambitions of the Rusyn elite were not a priority for the Czechoslovak state, and most of the Rusyn population also started to adopt disloyal attitudes, either in the form of communism or nationalism. The results of the 1921 census served the government as justification for its decision to grant the Rusyn political elites less territory than they demanded and to weaken the Ukrainian movement within the Rusyn public. The reason for the spectacular communist victory among Rusyns in the 1924 and 1925 elections was a combination of the generally precarious social situation and some Rusyns' refusal to endorse the existing form of the Czechoslovak state. Although almost a similar number of Rusyns were loyal to the Czechoslovak state, this was not enough for the Czech administrators to grant autonomy to Subcarpathia or to include within it the eastern strip of Slovakia, which the Rusyn leaders had demanded.
Government Structure in the New Slovak Republic, The
Tulsa Journal of Comparative and International Law, 1996
NEW SLOVAK REPUBLIC Act No. 542/1992, which brought about the dissolution of the Czech and Slovak Federal Republic. Despite the drama of these final developments, the process of dissolution actually began in 1968 when the former Czechoslovak Republic, established in 19186 on the ruins of the former Austro-Hungarian Empire, was transformed into a federation of the Czech and Slovak Republics. 7 Later developments were spawned not only by the nondemocratic political environment in which the Czech-Slovak federation was created, but by the strong centralization inherent in the former Communist regime. Rigid centralization also found its way into the new federal structure, constraining the functions of the new federation. Since relatively strong powers were vested in the Federal Government,' the component republics were prevented from developing their own identity, from developing competency to resolve issues independently, and even from having their own constitutions. The centralized character of the socialist "federal" state was especially illustrated by Articles 4 and 6 of the 1960 Constitution. 9 Article 4 anchored the leading role in the 26.
Czechoslovak Gendarmery and the Creation of the Republic
During the interwar period, a lot of books and articles were written about the creation of the Czechoslovak republic. Most of it focused mainly on the political and diplomatic activities, that had lead to the declaration of Czechoslovak independence on October 28, 1918, and on the military actions in the border regions of newly founded state and in Slovakia in the first months of the republic´s existence. The role of the gendarmery in the crucial era of the Czechoslovak history was barely mentioned.
Krakowskie Studia z Historii Państwa i Prawa, 2020
The following text examines the topic of unifying territories with disparate legal traditions as exemplified by Czechoslovakia during the first years of its existence and interpreted by Vratislav Kalousek (1883–1936), an unjustly forgotten clerk at the Ministry of the Interior, a lawyer and a contributor to inter-war legal magazines. He analyzed how the Czechoslovak law – drafted by the Czechoslovak officials of the Cisleithanian tradition – was implemented in the newly acquired lands, namely in Slovakia and in Carpathian Ruthenia. Vratislav Kalousek perceived the foundation of Czechoslovakia, based on uniting lands with a different history, as well as cultural, social and legal traditions, as a situation in which it was necessary to act swiftly, instead of slowing the process down with emphasis on accuracy typical for legal theory.
In the 1860s, the Ruthenians also formulated their basic political demands, similar to the other nationalities in Hungary, although in a less visible way as far as big politics on international level is concerned. These political demands were much broader than the right to use the language granted in the Act XLIV of 1868 on National Equality. As such, they can be understood as characteristic manifestations of national self-determination. It is useful to organize these elements into a kind of catalog of problems, with the aim of assessing the legal norms that have been implemented on this basis, as opposed to earlier approaches that did not rely on such a comparison.
Сontra spem spero: presentation of Slovak statehood in neutral countries (1943-1945)
Naukovì pracì Kam'ânecʹ-Podìlʹsʹkogo nacìonalʹnogo unìversitetu ìmenì Ìvana Ogìênka. Ìstoričnì nauki, 2020
Швеції докладали великих зусиль, аби інформувати іноземних журналістів, впливових дипломатів та державних діячів про словацький ракурс у поглядах на військову та суспільно-політичну ситуацію в Європі. Сприятливою умовою було те, що названі дипломати мали особисту репутацію антигерманістів. Але великий негативний резонанс у громадській думці в нейтральних державах мали антисемітська політика словацької влади та депортації єврейського населення. У пресі нейтральних країн словацькі діячі публікували свої статті, у яких критикували плани чехословацького емігрантського уряду на чолі з Бенешем щодо відновлення Чехословаччини. Архівні матеріали та мемуари засвідчують, що словацькі державні лідери та дипломати намагалися через нейтральні країни налагодити зовнішньополітичні контакти з представниками антигітлерівської коаліції. Були розроблені кілька пропозицій щодо державного устрою Словаччини, але західні дипломати не йшли назустріч даним спробам, адже співпрацювали з урядом Бенеша. Словацькі діячі підготували кілька проєктів з обґрунтуванням пропозицій щодо федеративного об'єднання країн регіону, у якому Словаччині відводилася роль рівноправного учасника. Їх популяризація також відбувалася в інформаційному просторі нейтральних держав з орієнтацією на прихильність провідних західних держав. Але всі вони були приречені на невдачу, адже з початку 1944 р. було очевидно, що Центрально-Східна Європа буде перебувати у сфері впливу СРСР, метою якого було відновлення довоєнної Чехословаччини. На завершальному етапі війни в Європі нейтральні держави припинили дипломатичні взаємини зі Словацькою республікою. Ключові слова: нейтральні держави, Словацька республіка, дипломатія, преса, пропаганда, єврейське питання, конфедерація, плебісцит. Боровец Иван. Сontra spem spero: презентация словацкой государственности в нейтральных странах (1943-1945 гг.). Статья посвящена деятельности дипломатических представителей Словацкого государства (Первой Словацкой республики), целью которого была популяризация словацкого вопроса на международной арене. В нейтральных государствах словацкие дипломаты пытались исправить негативный имидж Словакии как союзника нацистской Германии. К. Сидор в Ватикане, Й. Киршбаум в Швейцарии и Б. Писско в Швеции прилагали большие усилия, чтобы информировать иностранных журналистов, влиятельных дипломатов и государственных деятелей о словацком ракурсе во взглядах на военную и общественно-политическую ситуацию в Европе. Благоприятным условием было то, что указанные дипломаты имели личную репутацию антигерманистов. Но большой негативный резонанс в общественном мнении в нейтральных государствах имели антисемитская политика словацкой власти и депортации еврейского населения.