THE INCONSPICUOUS FUTURE OF THE EU - MERCOSUR FREE TRADE AGREEMENT (original) (raw)

Analysis and foresight of the European Union - Mercosur Association Agreement

2022

After a negotiation that has been ongoing for more than two decades, the "agreement in principle" between the European Union and Mercosur regarding the trade pillar, announced in June 2019, has not been confirmed. Moreover, in the current context, the perspectives that are outlined in both blocks are not auspicious, for various reasons that are analyzed. In this context, the text will analyzes the following points: i) in the absence of a specific Treaty in progress of application, it informs about the negotiations of the trade pillar, its current status, the contents of the principle of agreement signed in 2019, the possibilities of closure and ratification by the two parties and the main expected impacts; ii) the potential implications of this agreement for both the European Union and Mercosur, in particular with regard to its foreseeable consequences for the strategic autonomy of both regions and for the strengthening of multilateralism at present; and iii) the expected impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic and the eventual contribution of this Association Agreement in the new scenarios. The text closes with a brief overview.

Pathways from the (semi) Periphery: Early Assessment of EU Mercosur Trade Agreement in Principle (Environmental and Development Aspects

American Journal of Trade and Policy, 10(2):53-64, 2023

In the current international and domestic context, imagining a more complex bilateral trade agreement is more accessible than between the European Union (E.U.) and Mercosur (the South American International Trading Bloc). The tensions between these major trading blocs only aggravate international trade and economic relations. Consequently, the World Trade Organization (WTO) is bracing for its most significant challenge since its establishment in 1994. Between the E.U. and Mercosur's complex trade agreement and the WTO's challenge, the post-COVID-19 international legal environment has become even more complicated. The aims of this paper are: (1) to analyze the importance of the E.U.-Mercosur agreement within the current institutional trade framework; (2) to present some of the most controversial dilemmas posed by the present agreement; and (3) to evaluate the extent to which the agreement may support or hinder more sustainable and inclusive development among both trade partners. This study will focus on Brazil due to its geography, population size, and historical efforts to bring the nation closer to the international periphery and its radical turn to authoritarian populism. Additionally, Brazil's Amazon Rainforest's global necessity is essential for this study.

Mercosur–EU Agreement: Impact on Agriculture, Environment, and Consumers

2020

is a Brazilian master student in the Global Political Economy and Development (GPED) program at the University of Kassel. Currently, he is writing his master thesis on the current Brazilian government´s pension reform and the role of the State in the context of neoliberal capitalism. He has a BA in International Relations from the Centro Universitário Curitiba in Brazil.

Study on the EU Mercosur agreement 09.01.

2019

The study offers a comprehensive review of the disciplines and mechanisms covered in the hundreds of pages of text which make up the agreement, and of their potential effects. It covers all chapters published so far, addressing changes to trade flows in goods and services, rules, standard-making and non-tariff barriers to trade. The study is based on a textual analysis of the agreement itself, while also integrating secondary literature, impact assessments, and the perspectives and analyses of stakeholders on the agreement.

EU and Mercosur vis a vis the Trade Agreement. Remarks from the institutional perspective

OASIS, 2017

The member States of Mercosur are currently negotiating a Trade Agreement with the EU, as part of the process towards a comprehensive bi-regional Association Agreement. In 2016, the EU and Mercosur members exchanged offers, followed by a negotiation round. The next round will be held in October 2017; while awaiting for political developments, it is worth anticipating some challenges to come, especially from a legal perspective. Both actors have a multilayered system for decision-making, requiring the consensus of a multiplicity of governmental actors and thus enabling them to convey. Furthermore, current dialogues consider a broad range of issues, which were also covered by different EU’s agreements with other trading partners. These agreements received critiques from the civil society, which are worth to reflect upon, considering that the trade agreement is due to impact the general negotiation for the bi-regional Association Agreement. The paper develops this reflection from a two...

Trade and co-operation in the EU-MERCOSUL free trade agreement

2003

This report discusses a few selected cooperation ideas, considered important for the EU-Mercosul Agreement. We explore four sectoral themes: phyto-sanitary and agricultural cooperation ; foreign direct investment; telecommunications and information technology; and cultural cooperation. We also launch a more strategic option, indirectly contained in the EU agenda: mechanisms for dispute settlement cooperation in the WTO. Up to our knowledge this is an innovation. As a theoretical framework for analysing cooperation efforts, we use the view of regional integration agreements (RIAs) as an impure public good, and the idea of the "trade and cooperation nexus" (T+C), involving systematic cooperation in both trade-related and non-trade areas. The complexity of nowadays RIAs forces negotiators to look for help in specialised groups of society, directly concerned with the particular issues at stake; large segments of the country remaining unaware of the potential benefits that could accrue to all. The result is that nonexcludability of the integration, as a public good, is impaired. Once this happens, nonrivalness in "consumption" of the integration may easily become vapid, as many people do not know how to participate in its benefits. Nonrivalness can also be impaired due to the different timings required for each benefit to become reality, what may trigger a competition among the well informed on the sequence of implementing the agreement's measures. One way of minimising these effects is a comprehensive (T+C), that will engage other groups beyond the negotiators and trade-related actors, increasing the awareness and understanding of the integration, while boosting its purely trade aspects. Cooperation also shares a political economy dimension with the trade negotiations. The choice of the favoured areas may be viewed as the outcome of interactions among domestic "co-operation lobbies", and the joint acceptance of the final agenda can be seen under the light of an external interaction of these forces. Without denying this view, we take it as a second-order consideration, which might be useful in certain instances. Few and well focussed projects seem the optimal starting point for building a successful (T+C) nexus. Phyto-sanitary measures and agriculture Problems have been marring the reasonably good reputation enjoyed by Mercosul's meat exports to the EU. The first is the serious epidemics that attacked different Uruguayan herds. Secondly, questions regarding the EU bovine meat traceability requirements were raised for the Brazilian produce. Though the latter has not been used as a trade restriction yet, the EU authorities have signalled that fulfilling such requirements are an important condition for supplying the EU market. Cooperation in the definition and application of the sanitary measures and, in the particular case of traceability, on the proper checking and measurement techniques, will ease tensions in both sides and pave the way to a fuller and more open trade in agriculture between them. Attitudes towards GMOs in the US and the EU are considered to oppose each other, the former being seen as open to transgenics and the latter as strongly resistant to their introduction. Mercosul, as a whole, would broadly be placed between these two poles, with Argentina leaning closer to the US approach and Brazil being nowadays one or two steps ahead of the EU standing. The EU has tough regulations on labelling and traceability of products that, somewhere in the production chain, used GMOs. These regulations are due to become stricter after new requirements to be issued by next November. In the Brazilian case, transgenic soybeans are the major target, given the country's position as a main soya exporter and the diversified use of this crop in other agricultural and animal produce. At present, many issues are at stake, including the minimum percentage of transgenics that would make labelling mandatory. Given Mercosul's intermediate position, and the initial stage of regulatory and safety measures for a wider use in a main exporter like Brazil, cooperation in GMOs policy is an important area where the more convergence is achieved, the higher are the gains for both partners.

EU-MERCOSUR trade agreement

Revista De La Facultad De Ciencias Agrarias, 2017

The European Union (EU) and the Southern Common Market (MERCOSUR) have been negotiating a Regional Association Agreement (RAA) since the mid-nineties. This paper aims to identify products at the level of sub-headings of the Harmonized System which would benefit from the signing of the agreement. The methodology used trade indicators combined with trade statistics from 2010 to 2012. A total of 61 subheadings were identified with potential to increase its exports to the EU with the agreement. At first glance they reproduced the traditional pattern of exports from the MERCOSUR countries, a high concentration in agrifood products due to high exported value of one product. When this product was not considered an important number of manufactures were identified as having potential to increase their exports to the EU. This finding showed a potential to decrease the dependence on primary or raw material exports. The paper focused on tariffs; therefore further research on non-tariff measures for market access is a must.

Food Security Measures and Labor Regulations in the EU-MERCOSUR Agreement: An Overview of the Legal Challenges Medidas de seguridad alimentaria y regulaciones laborales en el Acuerdo UE-MERCOSUR: una visión general de los desafíos legales

Revista Secretaria Tribunal Permanente del Mercosur, 2020

In June 2019, the European Union and MErcosUr reached a political agreement in order to sign a comprehensive free trade agreement (FTA), which aims to increase interregional trade and to further develop cooperation in non-commercial areas, such as food security and labor regulations. The EU has a normative power through which it intends to export its values and standards. Upon the ratification of this agreement, MERCOSUR and its Member States will certainly need to reform their legal orders so as to align themselves with the food security international standards such as the International Union for the Protection of New Plant Varieties. It may also have an impact upon intellectual property regulations. Labor standards constitute another key aspect of the non-commercial interests of this agreement. In order to avoid social dumping, the EU may require MERCOSUR Member States to ratify ILO Conventions such as the 87-which has not been ratified by Brazil yet-in order to guarantee a level playing field. Since the final text is currently being discussed, the impact of this agreement will largely depend upon the political will of both parties. Resumen: En junio de 2019, la Unión Europea y MErcosUr acordaron firmar un acuerdo integral de libre comercio (TLC). Su objetivo es aumentar Artículo de acceso abierto. Licencia Creative Commons 4.0. 225 Food Security and Labor Regulations in the EU-MERCOSUR. Mauro Pucheta et al. el comercio interregional y desarrollar aún más la cooperación en áreas no comerciales tales como la seguridad alimentaria y la normativa laboral. La UE dispone de un poder normativo a través del cual aspira a exportar sus valores y estándares al resto del planeta. Por consiguiente, tras la ratificación de este acuerdo, MErcosUr y, por ende, sus Estados miembros se verán obligados a reformar sus ordenamientos jurídicos. La seguridad alimentaria puede llevar a los Estados miembros del MErcosUr a alinearse con la normativa internacional de la materia como aquélla relativa a la Unión Internacional para la Protección de las Obtenciones Vegetales (UPOV). Asimismo, puede tener un impacto sobre la regulación concerniente a la propiedad intelectual. La normativa laboral constituye otro aspecto clave de los intereses no comerciales de este acuerdo. Para evitar el"dumping social", la UE puede exigir a los Estados miembros del MERCOSUR que adopten determinados convenios de la OIT tales como el 87-que aún no ha sido adoptado por Brasil-para garantizar igualdad de condiciones. Dado que el texto final se encuentra actualmente sometido a negociación, el impacto de este acuerdo dependerá en gran medida de la voluntad política de las partes.