On the Initiation of Babylonian Priests, Zeitschrift für Altorientalische und Biblische Rechtsgeschichte 14 (2008), 1-38. (With a contribution by Michael Jursa) (original) (raw)

2008, Zeitschrift für Altorientalische und Biblische …

Abstract

sparkles

AI

The article examines the initiation rites of Babylonian priests, focusing on the role of ritual purity in the organizational structure of the Babylonian cult. It analyzes regulations governing priestly access to sanctuaries, the qualifications required for priesthood, and the practical application of purity ideology through historical documents. The findings shed light on procedural elements of priestly appointments, the need for continued purity during service, and provide new interpretations of key ancient texts.

Key takeaways

sparkles

AI

  1. Purity regulations critically shaped the Babylonian priesthood's structure and initiation processes.
  2. Candidates underwent rigorous inquests to verify purity and descent before initiation rites.
  3. Four key documents reveal practical aspects of priestly elections and purity assessments in temples.
  4. The gullubu rite, involving shaving and purification, was essential for entering priestly service.
  5. Royal confirmation was necessary for priest appointments, emphasizing the king's control over priesthood.

Loading...

Loading Preview

Sorry, preview is currently unavailable. You can download the paper by clicking the button above.

References (93)

  1. Parallels with adjacent religions can be drawn. Descent of designated clans is a central concern in Pentateuchal legislation of the priesthood (i.e. Miller 2000: 171ff. and Olyan 2004; see also Lambert 1998: 147 on the parallels between Babylonian and Biblical evidence). In ancient Egypt, descent of a priestly family did not only better one's prospect of induction (Kruchten 1989: 257ff.), it became an absolute requirement in the later periods (Blackman (Lloyd) 1998: 134f.; Lewis 1983: 92f.).
  2. Note that a moral standard was also expected of Egyptian (Dieleman 2002: 69; Dunand and Zivie-Coche 2004: 101), Hittite (Taggar-Cohen 2006: 123) and Israelite priests (Wright 1992). 13'. Id ag-mu-im-bi a I ki-din-d 30 14'. Id ag-tin-su-iq-bi a-šú šá Id ag-mu-ùru 15'. a I ki-din-d 30 Id ag-šeš-it-[tan]-nu 16'. a-šú š[á I r]e-mut a lú má.lah 4 17'. Id ag-en-dumu a-šú šá I šu a I gìr II -dingir-ía (one line blank) 18'. [ lú umbisag PN a-šú] šá I šu-la-a rest of reverse broken off Translation: (1') (beginning of text lost) [PN/Arad]-Nanāya/Šēpê-ilia, [PN]/Nabû- šumu-u◊ur/Kidin-Sîn, Nā'id-Bēl/Rēmūt/Kidin-Sîn (and) Iddin-Nabû/Nabû-tabni-u◊ur/ Šēpê-ilia, who said the following to Nabû-uballi›, the šatammu of Ezida: "Liblu›/ Rēmūt/Kidin-Sîn, who [presented?] his son Bēl-ibni for consecration -he (Bēl-ibni) is fit for consecration. Nidintu/Nabû-mukīn-[x]/Ahūtu said: ' f [x]-a, the mother of Bēl- ibni, is p[ure?]'." (12') Witnesses: Nergal-uballi›/Nabû-šumu-imbi/Kidin-Sîn, Nabû- balassu-iqbi/Nabû-šumu-u◊ur/Kidin-Sîn, Nabû-ahu-ittannu/Rēmūt/Mallāhu, Nabû-bēl- māri/Gimillu/Šēpê-ilia. (18') [Scribe: PN]/Šulā[/FN] (end of text lost). Commentary: (1') Arad-Nanāya is the only possible reconstruction of the patronymic in keeping with the onomastic practices of mid-first millennium BCE Borsippa. Three sons of an Arad- Nanāya from the Šēpê-ilia family, not necessarily brothers, are attested between Dar 06 and Dar 16: Nabû-upahhir (BM 96132, EAH 254), Murašû (BM 96244) and Gimillu (VS 5 69). All these tablets record prebend-related transactions. (11') The break at the end of the line is most unfortunate. It is not clear whether the SAL sign stands by itself (i.e. as a determinative of a female profession) or as part of a composite sign. In view of the parallel texts from Uruk (YOS 7 167 and OIP 122 36), I suggest to read el-let in the break ("she is pure"), although it can not be excluded that a female profession or status was intended here. before the Bēlija'u archive appeared on the market (see Waerzeggers 2005: 346 n. 11). The approximate date of redaction of BM 82732 can be established on the basis of Nabû-uballi›'s (known) term of office as šatammu of Ezida: ca. Dar 08 (BM 102012) - ca. Dar 20 (BM 26491).
  3. No. 2. BM 87298 (no copy available) [Borsippa, ca. mid-Dar];
  4. '. Id en-sum na a-šú šá Id ag-mu-si.sá a I egir.meš-[dingir.meš]
  5. '. lú šà-tam é.zi.da a-šú šá Id ag-sum na 5'. a I ku-du-ra-nu iq-bu-ú um-ma I [x x x]
  6. '. a-šú šá Id ag-šeš.meš-mu a lú simug šá I na-i'-id-d en
  7. '. a-šú šá I la-a-ba-ši-d amar.utu a lú simug 8'. en a-gur-ri-šú 2 silà ninda.hi.a 2 silà kaš.sag
  8. Lo.E. 10'. d nin.líl a-na u 4 -mu ◊a-a-ta 11'. id-di-nu-uš a-na gu-ul-lu-bu Rev. 12'. i-na ugu ›a-a-bi lú mu-kin-ni 13'. I na-i'-id-d en a-šú šá I la-a-ba-ši-[ d ]amar.utu 14'. a lú simug na-di-na-nu giš.šub.ba [ I x]-x-x 15'. a-šú šá Id ag-gin-numun a lú simug Id ag-mu ? -[x] 16'. a-šú šá Id ag-[ka]-◊ir a I sum na -d pap.sukkal 17'. Id ag-gin-numun a-šú šá I re-mut a I zálag-d pap.sukkal 18'. I sum na -d ag a-šú šá I ki-na-a a lú simug 19'. Id ag-it-tan-nu a-šú šá Id ag-mu-si.sá [a FN] 20'. I sum na -d ag a-šú šá Id [x x a] lú šu.i rest of reverse broken off, left hand side uninscribed Translation: [(the names of several persons are lost)], Bēl-iddin/Nabû-šumu-līšir/ Arkāt-[ilāni], ērib-bītis of Ninlil, spoke to Nabû-uballi›/Nabû-iddin/Kudurrānu, the šatammu of Ezida, as follows: "[PN]/Nabû-ahhē-iddin/Nappāhu, to whom Nā'id-Bēl/ Lābāši-Marduk/Nappāhu, his bēl-agurri, gave in perpetuity 2 liters of bread (and) 2 liters of good quality beer, an ērib-bīti prebend before Ninlil -he is fit for initiation". (12') Witnesses: Nā'id-Bēl/Lābāši-Marduk/Nappāhu, the seller (donor) of the prebend, [PN]/Nabû-mukīn-zēri/Nappāhu, Nabû-šumu?-[x]/Nabû-kā◊ir/Iddin-Papsukkal, Nabû- mukīn-zēri/Rēmūt/Nūr-Papsukkal, Iddin-Nabû/Kinā/Nappāhu, Nabû-ittannu/Nabû- šumu-līšir[/FN], Iddin-Nabû/[PN/]Gallābu, [rest of reverse lost] 10. a-di u 4 -mu ma-la Id ag-en-šú-nu bal-›u 11. pu-ut ú-šu-uz-zu šá man-za-la-ti-ši(sic) iš(sic)-ši 12. ù Id ag-en-šú-nu a-šú šá Id ag-numun-gin a lú sipa.gud.me 13. ina hu-ud lìb-bi-šú i-na mu.an.na 4 u 4 -mu.meš 14. giš.šub.ba lú sipa.gud.meš-ú-tu é.zi.da é d ag 15. iti šu ud.24.kam ud.25.kam iti du 6 ud.24.kam ud.25.kam 16. i-na giš.šub.ba-šú ik-nu-uk-ma a-na u 4 -mu ◊a-a-tú 17. pa-ni Id ag-gin-numun a-šú šá I a a a lú sipa.gud.me 18. šeš-šú ú-šad-gil mim-ma re-hi-a-ni ù gu-ra-a 19. šá é-kur-ru šá ku-tal-lu šá a-di la im dub 20. Id ag-en-šú-nu i-kan-na-ku-ma a-na Id ag-gin-numun 21. i-nam-di-nu ina ugu giš.šub.ba i-la-a 22. Id ag-en-šú-nu ul-tu ram-ni-šú
  9. Lo.E. 23. a-na é-kur-ru u›-›ar-ru Rev. 24. a-na [la] šá-né-e niš d ag u d amar.utu 25. dingir.meš-šú-nu iz-za-kar niš d ag-na-i'-id 26. lugal en-šú-nu iz-za-kar 27. šá dib-bi an-nu-tu-ú šá-an-nu-ú 28. d amar.utu u d ◊ar-pa-ni-tu 4 ha.a-šú liq-bu-ú __________________________________
  10. ina ka-nak im dub mu.meš __________________________________ 30. igi Id amar.utu-sur a-šú šá Id ag-mu-dù a I egir.me-dingir-sig 5 31. igi Id ag-šeš.meš-gi a-šú šá Id ag-gin-eduru a I zálag-d pap.sukkal 32. igi Id ag-dub-numun a-šú šá Id ag-mu-ùru a lú sipa.gud.meš 33. igi I re-mut-d ag a-šú šá I a a a I man-di-di
  11. igi [ I ]kar-d ag a-šú šá Id ag-eduru-mu a I ib-na-a-a 35. igi Id ag-šeš.meš-[gi] a-šú šá Id ag-mu-ùru a lú sipa.gud.me 36. igi Id ag-kar-zi.me a-šú šá I re-mut a I šá-la-la
  12. a I egir.me-dingir-sig 5 bára.sipa ki iti gan 39. ud.1.kam mu.2.kam Id ag-na-i'-id
  13. lugal tin.tir ki Translation: Nabû-bēlšunu/Nabû-[zēru]-ukīn/Rē'i-alpi spoke to Nabû-mukīn-zēri/Aplā/ Rē'i-alpi, his brother, as follows: "I am the son of an unmarried woman, I am not initiated and I do not perform my service; and for 20 years your father has performed our service. Now, you, do my service. I am prepared to seal and assign to you some- thing of my prebend". (9) Nabû-mukīn-zēri listened to Nabû-bēlšunu and, for as long as Nabû-bēlšunu will live, he will take over the responsibility to perform his service. 8´: nadû refers to the placing of the z.-objects on f Inqāya's neck, not to their removal (contra Weisberg 2003: 65). 68 The removal of necklaces and the like is expressed by našû (see e.g. YOS 7, 61). 13´: as the stative zīzu indicates, this surely refers to a division of an estate, probably that left behind (râhu D) by f Inqāya's parents, at which occasion she, as a married woman, could not expect to be given anything, certainly nothing 'special', or valuable (see CAD R, 407 for ruhhu "select"), as a zību/zibtu object would have been. 15´: še-ma-ku-n[u] is a hybrid form, a combination of the stative of the first person singular and of the first person plural, to express the latter. The whole passage is paralleled by an oath formula in BM 114525 (Eanna archive; transliteration courtesy E.E. Payne who will publish the text in the near future): ki-i … ni-du-ú še-ma-ku-nu-ma ni-mu-ru ni-iš-mu-ú … "we certainly do not know nor have we heard rumours, nor have we seen or heard …". 16´: the witnesses state that f Inqāya is a known sallūhatu woman. 69 This hitherto unknown word -which may have to be posited as *sallūhtu -is also attested in the unpublished letter NCBT 6 70 written by (the šatammu of Eanna) Nabû-mukīn-apli to (the bēl piqitti) Nabû-ahu-iddin; the text dates roughly to the second half of the reign of Cyrus or to the reign of Cambyses. After the initial salutation, the letter runs as follows: 6 sal-lu-h[a]-ti šá bi-ta-nu ma-›a-a 4 mí muh-[**hu ? ]**-[tú]
  14. DUMU.MUNUS-s[u] Rs. šá Id AMAR.UT[U-x x] a-na bi-[**ta]**-[nu ? ] ta-as-ru-qu (end of the text)
  15. One could also read ma-da-a 4 , but both orthographically and in view of the continuation, a derivation from ma û seems indicated.
  16. The reading of the name -it must be a name, not a professional designation, "woman ecstatic" -is not entirely certain.
  17. Note the unfortunately damaged passage in the Eanna letter Durand, DCEPHE 436 (addressed to the ›upšar bi_ti by an unidentifiable man): mah-ru-ú a-ki-i pi-i šá PN 1 u PN 2 ta-ad-du-ka-an-ni en ki-i ih-ru-◊a šá ina ti-ik-ki-ia id-[**du¬-[ú … (continuation lost) "first you have killed me, following what PN 1 and PN 2 said; (now), as my lord ascertained what they had placed on my neck […]" The reference to something having been placed on the sender's neck can refer to a concrete, physical fact or can be a metaphor.
  18. And not the opposite, pace Weisberg. The statement is part of the oath, hence the negation gives the phrase a positive meaning.
  19. Cited with kind permission of B. Foster and U. Kasten. It will be published as YOS 21, 85. the z.-object(s): f Inqāya demonstrably had not received anything valuable from her parents, hence she could not be blamed for the fact that her son had no z. She would also seem to be exonerated by the witnesses' final assertion regarding her acting as a sallūhatu -a cultic function which most likely required a certain degree of 'purity' as well. Bibliography
  20. Assmann, J. 1994 "Le temple égyptien et la distinction entre le dedans et le dehors", in Ph. Borgeaud (ed.) Le temple, lieu de conflit. (Les Cahiers du CEPOA 7) Leuven, p. 13-33.
  21. Baker, H.D. 2004 The Archive of the Nappāhu family. (AfO Bh. 30) Vienna.
  22. Beard, M. and J. North 1990 (eds) Pagan Priests. Religion and Power in the Ancient World. London.
  23. Beaulieu, P.-A. 1989 The Reign of Nabonidus King of Babylon 556-539 B.C. New Haven/London.
  24. Berquist, J.L. 2002 Controlling Corporeality. The Body and the Household in Ancient Israel. New Brunswick.
  25. Blackman, A.M. (ed. A.B. Lloyd) 1998 Gods, Priests and Men. Studies in the Religion of Pharaonic Egypt by Aylward M. Blackman Compiled and Edited with an Introduction by Alan B. Lloyd. London/New York.
  26. Bongenaar, A.C.V.M. 1997 The Neo-Babylonian Ebabbar Temple at Sippar: Its Administration and Its Prosopography. Istanbul.
  27. Borger, R. 1973 "Die Weihe eines Enlil-Priesters", BiOr 30, p. 163-176.
  28. Cocquerillat, D. 1973 "Recherches sur le verger du temple campagnard de l'Akītu (KIRI 6 hallat)", WdO 7, p. 96-134.
  29. Dandamaev, M.A. 1994 "The Neo-Babylonian zazakku", AoF 21, p. 34-40.
  30. Da Riva, R. and E. Frahm, 1999 "Šamaš-šumu-ukīn, die Herrin von Ninive und das babylonische Königssiegel", AfO 46/47, p. 156-182.
  31. Dieleman, J. 2002 "Rituele reinheid in het oude Egypte", Phoenix 48, p. 63-73.
  32. Douglas, M. 1966 Purity and Danger. An Analysis of Concepts of Pollution and Taboo. New York.
  33. van Driel, G. 1998 "Care of the Elderly: the Neo-Babylonian Period", in M. Stol and S.P. Vleeming (eds) The Care of the Elderly in the Ancient Near East. Leiden, p. 161-197.
  34. van Driel, G. 2002 Elusive Silver. In Search of a Role for a Market in an Agrarian Environment. Aspects of Mesopotamia's Society. Istanbul.
  35. van Driel, G. 2005 "Pfründe", in RlA Bd. 10, p. 518-524.
  36. Dunand, F. and Chr. Zivie-Coche, 2004 Gods and Men in Egypt 3000 BCE to 395 CE. Ithaca/ London.
  37. Falkenstein, A. 1959 "Zwei Rituale aus seleukidischer Zeit", UVB 15, p. 36-44.
  38. Fleming, D.E. 1992 The Installation of Baal's High Priestess at Emar. (Harvard Semitic Studies 42) Atlanta.
  39. Frame, G. 1991 "Nabonidus, Nabû-šarra-u◊ur and the Eanna Temple", ZA 81, p. 37-86.
  40. Gee, J. 2004 "Prophets, Initiation and the Egyptian Temple", JSSEA 31, p. 97-107.
  41. George, A.R. 2003 The Babylonian Gilgamesh Epic. Introduction, Critical Edition and Cuneiform Texts. Oxford.
  42. Grabbe, L.L. 2006 "The 'Persian Documents' in the Book of Ezra: Are They Authentic?", in O. Lipschits and M. Oeming (eds), Judah and the Judeans in the Persian Period. Winona Lake, p. 531-570.
  43. Grieshammer, R. 1984 "Kultische Reinheit", in W. Helck and E. Otto (eds) Lexikon der Ägyptologie Bd. 5. Wiesbaden, p. 212-213.
  44. Haas, V. 1994 Geschichte der hethitischen Religion. Leiden.
  45. Harlow, M. and R. Laurence 2002 Growing Up and Growing Old in Ancient Rome. A Life Course Approach. London/New York.
  46. Holma, H. 1945 "Zum akkadischen Wörterbuch. 11. Die äusserlichen Voraussetzungen bzw. Irregularitäten des babylonischen Priesterkandidaten", Or 14, p. 242-254.
  47. Hughes, G. R. 1984 "The So-called Pherendates Correspondence", in H.J. Thissen and K.Th. Zauzig (eds) Grammata demotika. Festschrift für Erich Lüddeckens zum 15. Juni 1983. Würzburg, p. 75- 86. Joannès, F. 1994 "A propos du zazakku à l'époque néo-babylonienne", NABU 1994/103.
  48. Joannès, F. 1995 "Lépreux fantomes?", NABU 1995/20.
  49. Joannès, F. 2000 "Relations entre intérêts privés et biens des sanctuaires à l'époque néo- babylonienne", in A.C.V.M. Bongenaar (ed.), Interdependency of Institutions and Private Entrepreneurs. (MOS Studies 2) Istanbul, p. 25-41.
  50. Johnston, S.I. 2004 (ed.) Religions of the Ancient World. A Guide. Cambridge MA.
  51. Jursa, forthcoming "Der neubabylonische Hof," in B. Jacobs (ed) Der Achämenidenhof (to appear in the series Oriens et Occidens in 2008)
  52. Kessler, K. 1991 Die Archive der Söhne des Bēl-ušallim, des Nabû-ušallim und des Bēl-supê-muhur. (AUWE 8) Mainz am Rhein.
  53. Kessler, K. 2004 "Urukäische Familien versus babylonische Familien. Die Namengebung in Uruk, die Degradierung der Kulte von Eanna und der Aufstieg des Gottes Anu", AoF 31, p. 237-262.
  54. Kruchten, J.-M. 1989 Les annales des prêtres de Karnak (XXI-XXIIImes dynasties) et autres textes contemporains relatifs à l'initiation des prêtres d'Amon. (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 32)
  55. Leuven.
  56. Kümmel, H.M. 1979 Familie, Beruf und Amt im spätbabylonischen Uruk. Prosopografische Untersuchungen zu Berufsgruppen des 6. Jahrhunderts v. Chr. In Uruk. Berlin.
  57. Lambert, W.G. 1967 "Enmeduranki and Related Matters", JCS 21 (1967), 126-138.
  58. Lambert, W.G. 1998 "The Qualifications of Babylonian Diviners", in S.M. Maul (ed.) Festschrift für Rykle Borger zu seinem 65. Geburtstag am 24. Mai 1994. (Cuneifrom Monographs 10)
  59. Groningen, p. 141-158.
  60. Lewis, N. 1983 Life in Egypt under Roman Rule. Oxford.
  61. Livingstone, A. 1986 Mystical and Mythological Explanatory Works of Assyrian and Babylonian Scholars. Oxford.
  62. MacGinnis, J. 1996 "A further note on the zazakku", NABU 1996/29.
  63. MacGinnis, J. 1999 "Additional Prebend Texts from the British Museum", AoF 26, p. 3-12.
  64. Margueron, J.-Cl. 1994 "L'organisation architecturale du temple oriental: les modalités de la rencontre du profane et du sacré", in Ph. Borgeaud (ed.) Le temple, lieu de conflit. (Les Cahiers du CEPOA 7) Leuven, p. 35-59.
  65. de Martino, S. 2004 "Purità dei sacerdoti e dei luoghi di culto nell'Anatolia ittita," Or 73, p. 348-362.
  66. Meeks, D. 1975 "Pureté et purification en Egypte", in Supplément au dictionnaire de la bible IX, p. 430-452.
  67. Miller, P.D. 2000 The Religion of Ancient Israel. London/Louisville.
  68. Olyan, S.M. 2004 "Religious Personnel. Israel", in S. I. Johnston (ed.) Religions of the Ancient World. A Guide. Cambridge MA, p. 296-298.
  69. Oppenheim, A.L. 1963 "Mesopotamian Conchology", Or 32, p. 407-12.
  70. Robinson, Ch.F. 2005 "Neck-Sealing in Early Islam", JESHO 48, p. 401-441.
  71. Röllig, W. 1993-97 "Muscheln", RlA Bd. 8, p. 450-2.
  72. Salje, B. 1995 "Neu-/spätbabylonische Zeit", in R.M. Boehmer et al., Uruk. Die Gräber (AUWE 10). Mainz, p. 34-135.
  73. Sallaberger, W. and F. Huber Vulliet 2005, "Priester I. A. Mesopotamien", in RlA Bd. 10, p. 617-640.
  74. San Nicolò, M. 1934 "Parerga Babylonica XII. Einiges über Tempelpfründen (isqu) und hmerai leitourgikai in Eanna", ArOr 6, p. 179-202.
  75. San Nicolò, M. 1935 "Parerga Babylonica XVI. Nochmals zum gullubu von Pfründeninhabern in den neubabylonischen Tempeln", ArOr 7, p. 25-28.
  76. Sauneron, S. 1957 Les prêtres de l'ancienne Egypte. Paris.
  77. Sauneron, S. 1962 "Les conditions d'accès à la fonction sacerdotale à l'époque gréco-romaine", Bulletin de l'Institut Français d'Archéologie Orientale 61, p. 55-57.
  78. Scheyhing, H. 1998 "Das Haar in Ritualen des alten Mesopotamien. Der Umgang mit Haar im Bereich von Religion und Kult", WdO 29, p. 58-79.
  79. Schönborn, H.B. 1976 Die Pastophoren im Kult der ägyptischen Götter. Hain.
  80. Seidl, T. 2006 "Rein und unrein", in M. Görg and B. Lang (eds) Neues Bibel-Lexikon Bd. III. Düsseldorf/Zürich, p. 315-319.
  81. Stol, M. 2002 "Reinheid in Mesopotamië", Phoenix 48, p. 103-107.
  82. Taggar-Cohen, A. 2006 Hittite Priesthood. Heidelberg.
  83. van der Toorn, K. 1985 Sin and Sanction in Israel and Mesopotamia. Assen/Maastricht.
  84. van der Toorn, K. 1989 "La pureté rituelle au Proche-Orient ancien", Revue de l'Histoire des Religions 206, p. 339-356.
  85. te Velde, H. 1995 "Theology, Priests, and Worship in Ancient Egypt", in J. Sasson (ed.) Civilizations of the Ancient Near East. New York, p. 1731-1749.
  86. Waerzeggers, C. 2001 Het archief van Marduk-remanni. (unpublished PhD Ghent University)
  87. Waerzeggers, C. 2005 "The Dispersal History of the Borsippa Archives", in H. D. Baker and M. Jursa (eds) Approaching the Babyonian Economy. Proceedings of the START Project Symposium Held in Vienna, 1-3 July 2004. Münster, p. 343-363.
  88. Wallace, S.L. 1938 Taxation in Egypt from Augustus to Diocletian. Princeton.
  89. Weisberg, D.B. 2003 Neo-Babylonian Texts in the Oriental Institute Collection. (Oriental Institute Publications Vol. 120) Chicago.
  90. Westenholz, J.G. "Religious Personnel. Mesopotamia", in Johnston 2004: 292-296.
  91. Wright, D.P. 1992 "Unclean and Clean. Old Testament", in D.N. Freedman et al (eds) The Anchor Bible Dictionary Vol. 6. New York, p. 729-741.
  92. Wunsch, C. 2003a Urkunden zum Ehe-, Vermögens-und Erbrecht aus verschiedenen neubabylonischen Archiven. Dresden.
  93. Wunsch, C. 2003b "Findelkinder und Adoption nach neubabylonischen Quellen", AfO 50, p. 174- 244.

FAQs

sparkles

AI

What explains the importance of purity in Babylonian priesthood induction?add

The study reveals that purity was central to the Babylonian priesthood, with candidates needing to be "as pure as a golden statue" to qualify for service, emphasizing body, mind, and lineage integrity (circa 600 BCE).

How did practical inquest texts reveal the application of purity rules?add

The research shows that inquest texts outlined how purity requirements were applied, examining the candidate's past and family history, with four relevant documents identified from the 6th century BCE. These texts demonstrate how moral conduct and familial purity were scrutinized during priestly elections.

When did the regular checks of priestly candidates' purity occur?add

Regular purity checks for initiated priests were conducted through visits to temple barbers, indicating continuous monitoring of ritual fitness throughout their careers. This practice ensured that even after initial consecration, priests maintained their purity status, as suggested by evidence from paylists.

What challenges did temple authorities face in enforcing purity regulations?add

Temple officials grappled with verifying the invisible virtues of candidates like integrity and lineage during the induction process, often requiring witness testimonies or documentary evidence for confirmation. The inquest texts unearthed in this study illustrate the complexities involved when determining candidates' eligibility.

What roles did descent and familial connections play in priesthood eligibility?add

The findings indicate that descent from initiated ancestors was essential; candidates' mothers were frequently scrutinized to ensure purity of lineage, reflecting a strong emphasis on both paternal and maternal family backgrounds. This criterion underscored the tight-knit relationships within priestly lineages, restricting access to priesthood.

Last updatedOctober 09, 2025