اسواران پارتی دراصول تلمودى, Professor Jaleh Amouzegar Festschrift, ed. by Parvaneh Pourshariati, Iran-Nameh, vol. 29, no. 2 (2014): 64-78 (original) (raw)

Ardaban [V, attended to Rav [Abba Arikha, the founder of the Talmudic center at Sura in Babylonia ca. 220 3 ] … when Artaban died, Rav exclaimed: "The bond is snapped!" ‫חבילה‬ ‫נתפרדה‬ ‫רב‬ ‫אמר‬ ‫אדר*בן‬ ‫שכיב‬ ‫כי‬ ... ‫לרב‬ ‫שמשיה‬ ‫אדר*בן‬ Indeed, earlier on, the relationship between Rabbi ( Judah the Prince, d. ca. 217 CE), the leader of the Palestinian Jewry in the Roman-occupied Palestina, and the last Arsacid king, triumphant over Caracalla's armies at Nisibīn in 217, was such that it enabled Rabbi to play the role of a protector of Artaban V's realm by means of magic: 4 Artaban sent to our holy Rabbi a fine, priceless pearl. He said to him, "Send me something as good as this." He sent him a single mezuzah [amuletum]. He [Ardaban] said to him [Rabbi], "I sent you something priceless and you sent me something worth one follarion." He [Rabbi] sent to him, saying "Your possessions and my possessions together do not equal the value of this. Moreover, you sent me something that I must guard; but I sent you something that will watch over you when you sleep, as it is written 'When you walk it will lead you, when you lie down it will watch over you' [Proverbs 6:22]."

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Darius & the Kingdom of Arta

This paper explores the basis for the claim that the Persian word "Artaxerxes" was only used as a throne name by Persian kings starting with Longimanus. This author believes that a reasonable case can be made for the more general use of this word as a title by Persian kings before Longimanus. This paper also explores the origins of the word arta / xsaca and provides evidence to show why the Jewish author of Ezra may have used this title to refer to Persian king Darius I.

The titles of King Artashes I according to the Aramaic inscriptions on boundary stones

Armenian Journal of Near Eastern Studies, 2017

Non-ferrous metal of the Horom necropolis �� 145 Aram Gevorgyan The gate and temple of Ḫaldi in Ašotakert/Yeşılalıç and the evolution of Urartian cultic complexes �� 161 Roberto Dan Elaborate harness buckles from Lori Berd �� 186 Seda Devedjyan and Ruben Davtyan Some remarks on the Urartian blind windows of Çavuştepe �� 206 Roberto Dan Urartian seals with an image of a stela �� 213 Nora Yengibaryan The titles of King Artashes I according to the Aramaic inscriptions on boundary stones �� 221 Hasmik Margaryan Women warriors as personifications of Armenia in Classical Antiquity �� 237 Viktorya Vasilyan

PARTHIAN KING’S TIARA - NUMISMATIC EVIDENCE AND SOME ASPECTS OF ARSACID POLITICAL IDEOLOGY

Written records relating to the Arsacid period in Iran (c. 240 BC to 226 AD) being relatively few, it is exceed¬ingly important for any knowledge about that time to study the iconography of extant Parthian coinage. The coins of the Arsacids (as well as of their vassals) constitute an important source of knowledge on the Parthian empire which is all the more valuable as it originated from Iran itself . Much of Iranian history, particularly for the Parthian period, is ba¬sed on numismatic evidence. Yet, numismatic research into the Ar¬sa¬cid period is still unsatisfactory. One point that deser¬ves attention is the development of the Arsacid crown; it is best reconstructed using numismatic evidence . For the Parthians, the ruler’s tiara became an important vehicle for religious symbols expressive of royal ideology . The origin of the tiara as royal headgear and the timing of its introduction have a significance of their own in the history of Arsacid political ideology. Moreover, it is important to distinguish between the functions of the tiara and of the dia¬dem. All these aspects are vital in reconstruc¬ting Arsacid political ideology, the origin and nature of which are com¬pa¬ra¬tively obscure and give rise to many controversies . Following what was then a universally accepted practice, the Arsacids drew abundantly from a rich store of religious beliefs and symbols to spread their political propaganda . The Parthian period was a time of great religious syncretism. Various cults and beliefs influenced one another in a mixture of Iranian, Greek, and Semitic populations, each in itself being in no way consistent . As a result, it is exceedingly difficult to interpret the iconography of coins and other relics featuring religious symbols . The Arsacids themselves were Zoroastrians, yet they did not try to make that religion absolutely dominant. The religious aspect in Arsacid ideology is difficult to analyze. Iranian religions of the Parthian era are highly obscure, which forces the re¬searcher to reach for comparative material to the more fa¬miliar neighboring regions (e.g., Armenia and the Kushan state). The present article attempts to reconstruct some as¬pects of the origin and development of the Arsacid royal headgear in connection with the Parthian conception of royal authority which was a set of concepts to justify and emphasize the special nature of the Arsacid rule. A major source for any such analysis should properly be the largely neglected numismatic material. Royal headdress as we know it from coins of most Arsacid rulers starting from Mithradates II was composed of an elon¬ga¬ted domed tiara and a diadem. Apparently each constituent part of the crown served different functions. It is not easy to determine exactly what was the significance of the diadem and the tiara in the ideology of Arsacid kingship. Even for the relatively well recorded Sasanian period, this problem has not been plausibly answered. The Arsacids often appear in a diadem alone, but never - at least not on coins - in a tiara alone. Written records describing crowning ceremonies of the Arsacids or their vas¬sals usually speak only of the diadem. Plutarch of Cheronea mentions a privilege of the Sren family, who crowned Arsa¬cids with a diadem . Tacitus describes the crowning of Tiri¬dates with a diadem by Vologases I, which made him ruler of Armenia . Josephus Flavius writes of usurper Cinnamus, who handed in the royal diadem to Artabanus II , and of Helen crowning her son Monobazos of Adiabene with a diadem . Parthamasiris, the Arsacid king of Armenia, faces Trajan in a diadem and usurper Parthamaspates was made king when Trajan placed a diadem on his head . Nero crowned Tiridates with a diadem to make him king of Ar¬menia . Arsacids usually wore one diadem, but Artabanus IV used two . Ancient sources men¬tio¬ned above seem to suggest that handing a diadem equaled con¬ferring power over a land. On the reverses of many Arsacid coins there appears a woman’s figure similar to the Hellenistic Tyche who presents a diadem to the king . She might likely also be identified - what with the time’s religious syncretism - as a personifica¬tion of the royal farn (kvarnah) . Farn as PHARRO is well known from Kushan coins, where it appears in scenes of inves¬ti¬ture . It is not implausible that the diadem was not only an sign of royal dignity but, in particular, it symbolized the farn . In Iran, the royal glory of the farn - the key to understanding Iranian royal traditions - was treated as an emanation of the Sun or heavenly fire . The nature of this notion is best rendered by Ammianus Marcellinus’ account of fire from heaven that was conferred on kings of Iran . The notion of king’s glory of the farn combined with sacred fire was in all likelihood in existence under the Achaeme¬nids ; it is also well documented for the early Sasanian period . With the Arsacids themselves, the special Mithra worship seems to have involved the farn and king’s fire . Studies of religious beliefs in ancient Iran have permitted a better understanding of the “cosmic” dimension in Arsacid power which is also manifested in tiara symbolism and titulature that quotes divine provenance, although this pro¬blem involves many obscure aspects . Ammianus Marellinus wrote of a cult of Arsaces as a deity; from this resulted the peculiar worship that the Arsacids received in their count¬ry . In his account, Arsaces was placed among the stars after he died and from then on kings of Iran called themselves Solis fratres et Lunae . Nevertheless, we need to bear in mind that Ammianus wrote a century and a half after the fall of the Arsacids. Any reconstruction of how the Arsacid royal ideology developed is a particularly arduous task for we are dealing with a tangle of completely different traditions . A new dynasty drew abundantly from Hellenistic notions . It also had strong ties with nomadic traditions . A more or less conscious reference to the Achaemenid period is discernible already under Arsaces I and II in their use of the so-called “satrapal headgear” and the title krny . The later Arsacids also made references to the Achaemenid period . Decisive for the Arsacid royal ideology were the measures adopted by Mithra¬¬¬dates II: he introduced on coins the title “king of kings” and the tiara. The use by the Arsacids of a tiara made to imitate Median ceremonial headgear of the Achaemenid period fits into the Parthian dynasty’s tradition of recalling old-Persian heritage. Numismatic evidence and other iconographic and writ¬ten sources substantiate the conclusion that the Arsacids were involved in building a complex and multi-faceted royal ideology. It lent legitimacy to their claims to hegemony throughout the Near and Middle East, while within Parthia it gave them an elevated and privileged sovereign position vis-a-vis their vassals and made them sole rightful rulers of the empire. As a constituent of the royal crown, the tiara is cer¬tified on coins of many Arsacids starting from Mithradates II. Its use always involved political ideology with many reli¬gious symbols in its repertory ; besides, it often ser¬ved to emphasize king’s singular exploits, which is obvious¬ly true for Mithradates II. Placed on the throne by nomads, Sinatruces decorated his tiara with designs borrowed from nomadic traditions of Central Asia. The true founder of a new Arsacid line, reformer and restorer of Iranian tradition, Vologases I introduced the tall tiara onto coins of the Younger Arsacids. He was then followed by successive rulers of the Parthian empire. Phraates III and Pacorus II adapted the tiaras of their fathers to accentuate their dynastic links. In choosing Sinatruces’ tiara, the Indo-Parthian Gondopha¬res made a clear political statement. These examples serve to illustrate the claim that the tiara was used in connection with the propaganda and political ideology of the Arsacid period. Under the older Arsacids, vassal rulers of Elymais, Persis, or Charace¬ne commonly used diadems alone; more rarely - especially in Persis - did they don crowns different from the Parthian tiara. This situation changed somewhat in the first and se¬cond centuries AD. Parthian-style tiaras appear on coins of most Persid rulers at the time (they imitate Mithradates II’s crown), recurrently for some Elymaean rulers, and sporadically in Characene. As opposed to the diadem, the tiara was probably not directly involved in the farn, but instead it was inten¬ded (al¬though realities may have gone amiss) to convey the special nature of the power of the Arsacids as great kings of kings, those who stood higher than local rulers and princes. Much is to be gathered on this from the circumstances in which the tiara was introduced on coins: it was done by Mithradates II after he had successfully restored Parthia’s power in Western and Central Asia and undertaken thoroughly to reform Arsacid political ideology. This is in line with practices known to have existed in the Near East and Central Asia for centu¬ries . The tiara was a vehicle of important propaganda sta¬te¬ments in politi¬cal ideology and its individual nature often reflected the poli¬ti¬cal program of a Parthian ruler.

Warrior Kings: The Changing Facets of Heroic Kingship in Assyria

The King as a Nodal Point of Neo-Assyrian Identity, 2022

Hannes D. Galter: Warrior Kings: The Changing Facets of Heroic Kingship in Assyria In: Johannes Bach and Sebastian Fink (eds.): The King as a Nodal Point of Neo-Assyrian Identity (Kasion 8). Münster: Zaphon 2022, 107-127. This paper consists of three parts. The first part will describe the concept of the royal warrior within the framework of Assyrian state ideology and take a brief look at the history of its research. The second part will trace the development of this concept from Old Assyrian times to Ashurbanipal and point at several individual features. The third part finally will try to give a fresh perspective on the concept of the royal warrior by using Hartmut Rosa’s theory of resonance as a guideline.

The Long-Armed Persian King: Disabled or Powerful Man?

The Long-Armed Persian King: Disabled or Powerful Man?, 2022

This article examines the evidence of ancient authors on the unofficial nicknames of Achaemenid Persian kings. It pays special attention to the interpretation of the nickname of Μακρόχειρ. Two variants are considered for its translation. In the first case, one must talk about the ancient authors' perceptions of this nickname as relating to a person who had one arm longer than the other. In the second case, the nickname is interpreted metaphorically: it is believed to be used for a ruler who is seeking an extension of his possessions. The possibility of applying the nickname of Μακρόχειρ to each of the three Persian kings - Darius I, Xerxes, and Artaxerxes I - is investigated.

Royal-Name Scarabs o f King Amenemhat I I from Dahshur

Curator, The Israel Museum, Jerusalem AMETHYST ROYAL-NAME SCARABS of very fine workmanship were found among the jewelry of Queen Weret II (ca. 1850 B.C.), who was buried in the pyramid complex of Senwosret III at Dahshur (Figures 1-8; Colorplate 1).1 Noted for his military campaigns and building activities, Senwosret III,2 fifth king of Dynasty 12 (ca. 1878-1840 B.C.), was one of the most distinguished rulers of the Middle Kingdom (ca. 2010-1640 B.C.). His funerary complex at Dahshur (Figure 9) consisted of a main pyramid, a pyramid temple, and small pyramids of queens and other female members of the royal family. Pyramid 9 contained the burial remains of Queen Weret II (Figures 10-12), which include fragmentary inscriptions identifying her as the king's wife. The large dimensions of her tomb and its location under the king's pyramid suggest that she was the king's main consort.3 The queen's jewelry deposit was discovered at the pyramid complex in 1 994 during excavations directed by Dieter Arnold for The Metropolitan Museum of Art.4 The jewelry was found in a small chamber cut into the east wall of the bottom of the shaft leading to both the queen's burial chamber and her ritual south tomb ). At the east end of the chamber's north wall was a 53-centimeter-wide niche with a pit in the floor that contained the jewelry; the niche was sealed with a vertical limestone block at its entrance and a horizontal limestone block that covered the soilfilled pit . No identifiable remains of a box or other container for the objects were located. Because all of the original strings had completely decayed, the jewelry was mixed with the pit's soil in disarray.5 Placement of a royal jewelry deposit at the bottom of a shaft is unique and probably accounts for its survival, since the tomb robbers who pillaged the rest of the queen's burial would not have thought to look

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Dan Shapira, “‘Parthian Cavalry’: SWS PRSY / sūs pārsī / A Parthian Horse” / اسواران پارتی دراصول تلمودى, Professor Jaleh Amouzegar Festschrift, ed. by Parvaneh Pourshariati, Iran-Nameh, vol. 29, no. 2 (2014): 64-78 (original) (raw)

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