IACL Democracy2020 Programme [08.10.2020]-min (original) (raw)
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International Seminar Democracy FINAL VERSION
Collected Abstracts International Conference Democracy and Constitutionalism, 2024
This seminar is of utmost importance as it addresses the pressing issues confronting constitutional democracy and The Rule of Law globally. Recent research has highlighted the growing threats to democracy posed by the ascent of authoritarianism, the deterioration of democratic standards and organizations, and escalating political fragmentation. The emergence of new forms of political disruption facilitated by technology and social media simultaneously challenges constitutional frameworks. The FDV Research Group on Legal Hermeneutics and Constitutional Jurisdiction will convene leading international authorities to analyze the intricate interconnections between democracy, constitutionalism, and the rule of law during this period of political turmoil. Additionally, the seminar will explore the ramifications of sustainability and development for constitutional democracy.
DEMOCRACIES UNDER PRESSURE A GLOBAL SURVEY (VOLUME I) EDITED BY DOMINIQUE REYNIÉ VOLUME I THE ISSUES
DEMOCRACIES UNDER PRESSURE A GLOBAL SURVEY (VOLUME I), 2019
The idea of democracy has revolutionized the world. It is based on a political order whose main feature is makingtheexercise ofpower subjectto theconsent ofthe governed. SinceitsancientandgloriousAthenian roots, the idea has spread across land and sea. The EnglishBill of Rights in 1689, the United States Constitution in 1787, and the French Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen in 1789 marked the arrival of political freedom in the world with distinction. It spread across Europe in the 19th century, powering nations with the emancipating force of the peoples’ right to self-determination. During the 20th century it triumphed over modern tyrannies, repelling fascist regimes, the Nazis and their allies, then defeating communism after a Cold War that ended with the collapse of the USSR, defeated economically, technologically, politically and morally. During this same period, the world also embarked on a new phase of democratization. In 1970s Europe, the Greeks, Portuguese and Spaniards overthrew their military dictatorships. In Latin America in the 1980s, Chile, Argentina, Uruguay and Brazil went through the same experience. Then, on the Old Continent during the 1990s, it was Central and Eastern Europe’s turn. In 1992, a symbolic milestone was reached: more than half of the world’s States were democracies. The world was becoming democratic. The wave lasted until the beginning of the 21st century, with the number of democratic states doubling between the late 1970s and the early 2000s. However, as we enter the 21st century, the horizon looks darker. In the 2019 edition of its annual report Freedom in the World, the NGO Freedom House expressed concern over “global declines in political rights and civil liberties for an alarming 13 consecutive years, from 2005 to 2018. The global average score has declined each year, and countries with net score declines have consistently outnumbered those with net improvements”. Today it is no longer simply a question of strengthening the democratic process where it is still fragile, in Liberia, Uganda or Tunisia, but also of helping regain democratic momentum where countries have slid back, in South Africa, Tanzania and Zambia and encouraging progress where it can be seen, in Ethiopia, Angola, Armenia, Malaysia or Ecuador. It is now a question of protecting, or even defending, established democracies. This is the case for the countries that emerged from the post-Soviet democratic transition that seem to be tempted down a backwards path, an authoritarian transition feared throughout Europe, advocating for a paradoxical model at once democratic and “illiberal”. The wave of populist elections is weakening the European Union. Here we do not see the traditional political, economic and social factors that have always threatened the solidity of the democratic world, such as growth, employment and the educational system. These are challenges that must be faced time and time again. Rather, under the emerging concerns, the media has been disrupted by social media, where the best and the worst of humanity exist side by side. How can we keep the democratic discussion alive if the truth is to lose its mediating power, if opinions and debates are constantly oversimplified and radicalized, if the legitimacy of journalism is no longer recognized? From now on, not just election campaigns but also electoral processes themselves are likely to be seriously disrupted by new forms of public debate. The heart of democracy is under threat. This moment of doubt is also the product of the forces unleashed by globalization. A paradoxical triumph of the West, globalization destabilizes democracies while offering unprecedented opportunities for development and expansion to new powers. Among these is China, which is no longer hiding its ambition to dominate the 21st century. It is increasingly powerful both economically and technologically. In the strategic field of artificial intelligence and biotechnology, it is fighting for the leading position. But China achieves these stunning successes without renouncing its authoritarian system, or even the hegemony of the Chinese Communist Party, by building a state model that could be described as “high-tech totalitarianism,” ready to export its concepts, methods, and tools. For the first time since its creation, democracy is no longer certain of inspiring the world. It is in this new and troubled context that we wanted to bring together our two institutions: on the one hand, the Fondation pour l’innovation politique, a French think tank committed to defending the values of freedom and progress and the ideals of the European Union; on the other, the International Republican Institute, an American organization that promotes democracy worldwide. Our two organizations were pleased to welcome the Brazilian think tank República do Amanhã into this partnership in order to carry out this international study, conducted in forty-two democracies, presented here under the title Democracies Under Pressure. The document is comprised of two volumes: the first is devoted to themes and issues, such as trust in institutions, support for the model of representative democracy, support for abortion or the death penalty, the decline of democratic values among younger generations, etc.; the second volume is dedicated to the forty-two countries of the survey, offering a fact sheet for each that summarizes the state of national public opinion. We also present the reader with an “Index of Democratic Culture”.
The future of democracy: the end of democracy as we know it
2019
Purpose – The purpose of this article is to explore the future of democracy, given the transition the countriesoftheworldareexperiencing. Methodology – The paper draws on literature concerning democracy, ICT and artificial intelligence. A framework for understanding the working of democracy is developed. This framework or model is tested in 20countries,andconclusionsarepresented. Findings – Globally, there is a shift taking place away from representative democracy toward less democraticformsofgovernment. Originality – Moststudiesareimplicitlydogmaticinassumingthatrepresentativedemocracyisasuperior formofgovernment.Theinfluencesofcorporations,mediaandtheelitearemovingrepresentativedemocracy awayfromtheidealofdemocracy. Conclusions – The future of democracy is uncertain. It is not likely that representative democracy will become the universal form of government. Global government is possible, but it is not likely to be a representativedemocracy. Keywords Democracy,Directdemocracy,Rulebyexperts,Rulebyastrongleader,Rulebythemilitary PapertypeConceptualpaper
The Summer Program on Parliamentary Democracy in Europe is organised by the LUISS School of Government together with the Horizon 2020 Project RECONNECT (https://reconnect-europe.eu/) and in cooperation with LUISS Centre for Parliamentary Studies, SciencesPo - Centre for European Studies and Comparative Politics, and the Université Libre de Bruxelles. It was previously co-financed by the European Commission through EACEA (the Education, Audiovisual and Culture Executive Agency), as a Jean Monnet Module (2012-2015 and 2016-2019). The Summer Program intends to cope with one of the challenges constitutionalism and representative institutions are currently facing in Europe and beyond, namely democratic decay and rule of law backsliding. By bringing together an interdisciplinary group of renown international scholars, in particular in the fields of constitutional and EU law and in political science, as well as professionals, the Summer program will try to untangle the following problematic knots: How and why did phenomena of constitutional retrogression are taking place now? Which actors, at domestic, European and international level contributed, directly or indirectly, to the rise of ‘illiberal democracies’? What are the basic tenets of constitutional democracies and when do they become “democracies disfigured”? and with which legitimacy contribute to the define the arrangements for parliamentary elections? If and how can the rule of law backsliding be remedied and by whom? With this regard, the timing of the Summer Program is tailored to intercept also the debate emerging at European level, following the appointment of the new Commission, with a view to analyse the EU institutional agenda dealing with rule of law problems, and to critically examine the impact of the many national elections taking place in the second half of 2019 and in the first half of 2020 on parliamentary democracy in the broader European context.
WHAT NEXT FOR DEMOCRACY? An International Survey by the Fondation pour l’Innovation Politique.
Fondation pour l'Innovation Politique, 2017
The survey "What next for democracy?", which conducted 22,041 interviews in 26 countries, was designed by the Fondation pour l’innovation politique, and the polling institute Ipsos was in charge of running it. All the results can be viewed in 23 languages* as open data on the Fondation pour l’innovation politique website (http://data.fondapol.org/democratie/ou-va-la-democratie/). Over the past several years, signs of destabilisation in the democratic world have been abundant. High abstention rates and the populist vote are eroding governments’ electoral bases and their legitimacy, while a process of regression towards authoritarian methods of government can be seen in some central and eastern European countries. Older liberal democracies have also been tempted to follow this path through their security policies and, in particular, counter-terrorism measures. Moreover, democracies are faced with the powerful effects of the historic transition that is now epitomised by the notion of ‘globalisation’. There is no doubt that the processes of global dispersion and reconstruction are closely linked to the destabilisation of democratic systems. Democracy is part of a bigger picture. A specific sequence of events allowed the emergence, establishment and entrenchment of the democratic political system. By profoundly changing the world, an alternative solution would also inevitably change the democratic system and perhaps spell its end. It is therefore important to consider the potential erosion of democracy and examine the current situation and potential future of a method of government based on the radical, spectacular and unique idea of allowing citizens to choose their governments. The turbulent period we have seen over the past quarter of a century raises serious questions concerning the concept of democracy.