Salazarisme et fascisme (original) (raw)
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In inter-war European conservative circles, particularly those of the Catholics and those close to Action Française, António de Oliveira Salazar’s New State was praised as an example of a ‘good dictatorship’: one that avoided most of the totalitarian and pagan elements of Mussolini and Hitler. Salazar’s dictatorship and its political institutions have been the subject of wide-ranging interpretive debate and some dimensions challenge common assumptions about inter-war fascism. The first concerns its relatively long duration, surviving the ‘era of fascism’ and much of the Cold War, ending only some years after the natural and peaceful death of its dictator in the 1970s. The second and most important concerning its ability to adapt institutions that, while inspired by certain aspects of Italian Fascism, were shaped by the armed forces, the Catholic Church and other institutions.
A Matter of Design: Making Society trough Science and Technology Proceedings of the 5th STS Italia Conference. Milano: STS Italia, 2014. ISBN 978-90-78146-05-6, 2014
Since 1926, and for five decades, Portugal went through a far-right dictatorship regime. In the first decade the main concern was to validate its arrival to power by presenting itself as the regime that finally was able to save the nation from previous harmful circumstances that had wreaked the economy. In order to achieve this, it was necessary to demonstrate how this new government had the capacity of hauling the nation to the same level of progress reached by the so-called developed countries. In 1938, commemorating the 10th anniversary of dictator Salazar’s appointment as Minister of Finance, seven posters untitled Lições de Salazar were printed and affixed at every school. Six represented different viewpoints of Salazar's economic miracle; the seventh represented the moral values over which education should be established, and hence the Nation. Through these posters a dual and contradictory regime message comes clear: the pressure to employ ‘progress’ and ‘technology' as propaganda concepts, but also the reluctance in its use, since these notions were commonly associated to a ‘disruptive modernity’, contrary to a conservative regime continuousness need to preserve its moral sovereignty free of malevolent international influences.
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World Editors Dynamics of Global Publishing and the Latin American Case between the Archive and the Digital Age, 2021
The paper investigates the existence of fascist literature in times after the historical collapse of its principal historical promoters (Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy) and illustrates the necessity to take alternative forms of ideology-driven and global circulations of literature into account. The articles centers on the work of Chilean author Miguel Serrano’s and the specific factors that have contributed to the worldwide reception of his writings. Apart from determinate cultural and political networks and actors closely related to Serrano’s long career as a Chilean diplomat, among which are prominent figures such as Hermann Hesse, Carl Gustav Jung, and Indira Gandhi, the specific relationship between fascism and esotericism in his work was largely what contributed to its global circulation. Furthermore, we will analyze the role of independent publishers acting as principal promoters of a “fascism from below” within the context of Miguel Serrano’s work.
Fascisms and Their Afterli(v)es: An Introduction
Journal of the History of Ideas, 2021
How do we think about fascism's relation to ideas today? The introduction to the cluster of essays proposes grounds on which to pursue anew the intellectual history of fascism: (1) on a global stage, from the Italian Empire, Japan, and Nazi Germany to Sweden and contemporary Argentina; (2) across the 1945 divide, considering the premises thanks to which fascism has re-emerged time and again; (3) as a history of the process-ideas and pleasures through which fascisms have convinced their adherents, woven together their ideologies, and carried out their violence.
The corporative project opened a new institutional channel for the participation in the political sphere of intellectuals from different political and cultural backgrounds. It attracted to its Fascist framework various representatives - such as syndicalists, reformist socialists, and catholics of different tendencies - put together by the common intent to transform the liberal order by enhancing the representation of interests and of the social bodies. I intend to examine this issue by firstly focusing on the third Congress of corporative studies in Rome (1935), a rather peculiar Italo-French conference which showcased the corporative topic’s potential in disseminating the Fascist self-representation across the international field, but also shed a light on the gap between the European scope of the corporatist debate, and its internal dynamics in the context of the Fascist state building. Indeed, the Italian-French discussion revealed a standstill in the Italian corporative drive, which in 1935 had long overtook its initial stages and was confronted with its actual functioning within the fascist regime. Subsequently, I intend to give consideration to the role of Giuseppe Bottai as politician-intellectual. He had been consistently advocating a “constitutional” conception of the corporative state as the fundamental ingredient for an integral reshaping of the relationship between state, society and economy, for a new and totalitarian overcoming of either the liberal individualism and the socialist collectivism. This “constitutional” conception fostered high expectations towards the establishment of the corporatist State in 1934, and thereafter caused a subsequent disillusion among the most committed of Bottai’s assistants, such as Luigi Fontanelli, Agostino Nasti, Giuseppe Del Giudice, Giuseppe Landi, Bruno Biagi, which will be examined in turn. Finally, I mean to point out the importance of the year 1935 as a turning point in the “consensus” to fascist corporatism. The aggression to Ethiopia entailed a massive re-orientation of Italian intellectuals towards the imperial experience, but on the other hand it triggered a steep decrease in the sympathy gained by fascist corporatism among European intellectuals of the left, (also of the Catholic left, which participated to the Italo-French conference). In this perspective, I assume that the “constitutional” value assigned to the corporatist topic by the most original fascists like Bottai and his assistants, was somehow inherited by the concept of labour, as a sort of metaphysic of the society and a prime source of legitimation for the State. As a conclusion, I mean to argue that the labour topic, although emerged in a distinctly Fascist context during the late 1930s, was not entirely connected with the fascist self-representation, and therefore was able get through the war, and to undergo the transition to republican democracy, by providing a terrain of convergence between the left and the democratic catholics.