A Redundancy in Nebuchadnezzar 15 and Its Literary Historical Significance, JANES 32 (2012), 21–29 (original) (raw)
References (14)
For examples, see S. Paul, "Deutero-Isaiah and Cuneiform Royal Inscriptions," JAOS 88 (1968), 184-85.
H. Tadmor, "Autobiographical Apology in the Royal Assyrian Literature," in H. Tadmor and M. Weinfeld, eds., History, Historiography and Interpretation: Studies in Biblical and Cuneiform Litera- tures (Jerusalem-Leiden, 1983), 47-53; E. Weissert and H.-U. Onasch, "The Prologue to Ashurbanipal's Prism E," Or. 61 (1992), 58-77.
On the 'Succession Narrative' and the importance of the verses depicting Solomon's birth, see: L. Rost, The Succession to the Throne of David, trans. M. D. Rutter and D. M. Gunn (1926; trans.: Sheffield, 1982), 79-80; G. von Rad, The Problem of the Hexateuch and Other Essays, trans. E. W. T. Dicken (1944; trans.: London, 1966), 180-81, 198-99. For a different opinion, and more up-to-date bibliography, see G. Keys, The Wages of Sin: A Reappraisal of the "Succession Narrative," JSOTSup 221 (Sheffield, 1996).
According to this story, Bathsheba's son dies making Solomon her eldest, maybe even David's first son born in Jerusalem. However, according to 1 Chr. 3:5, Bathsheba bore David four sons, the last of whom was Solomon. Most commentators relate this "new" information to some dubious tradition, which relies on the list in 2 Sam. 5:14 with some modification of the Chronicler (e.g., S. Japhet, I and II Chronicles, OTL (London, 1993], 96; G. N. Knoppers, I Chronicles 1-9, AB [New York, 2003], 325). Yet others maintain the authenticity of the Chronicler's version; see: S. Ahituv, "King Solomon's Designation for Kingship in Biblical Historiography," in M. V. Fox, V. A. Hurowitz et al., eds., Texts, Temples and Traditions: A Tribute to Menahem Haran (Winona Lake, 1996), 5* [Heb.];
W. Rudolph, Chronikbücher, HAT (Tübingen, 1955),
Ahituv is of the opinion that all three of Bathsheba's older sons had died, making Solomon the eldest. Rudolf holds that the order of the sons does not follow their order of birth but the rule of "last but not least" (with which Knoppers agrees).
AHw., 1310, s.v. talīmu; Tadmor, ibid., 47; CAD T, 96 s.v. talīmu, for additional bibliography, see D. J. Wiseman, Nebuchadrezzar and Babylon (Oxford, 1985), 7, n. 5. Note also Da Riva, Neo-Babylonian Royal Inscription, 7, who calls this passage "very curious."
A. K. Grayson, Assyrian and Babylonian Chronicles (Locust Valley, 1975), 101, l. 2
E. N. von Voigtlander, A Survey of Neo-Babylonian History (Ph.D. diss., University of Michigan, 1963 [Ann Arbor, MI, 1969]), 93 and n. 38.
Wiseman, Nebuchadrezzar, 6.
See: R. H. Sack, Amel-Marduk: 562-560 B.C., AOATS 4 (Neukirchen-Vluyn, 1972), 3; Wiseman, Nebuchadrezzar, 10; I. L. Finkel, "The Lament of Nabû-šuma-ukîn," in J. Regner, ed., Babylon: Focus mes- opotamischer Geschichte, Wiege früher Gelehrsamkeit, Mythos in der Moderne: 2. Internationales Collo- quium der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft, 24-26 Marz 1998 in Berlin, CDOG 2 (Saarbrucken, 1999), 338. Marduk the son of Neriglissar [. . .] their fathers [. . .] of them [. . .] set free . . ." (For a different restoration, which interprets Nabonidus's resistance to Amēl-Marduk and Lābâši-Marduk as the result of difference of opinions regarding military matter, see P.-A. Beaulieu, The Reign of Nabonidus King of Babylon 556-539
B.C. [New Haven, 1989], 106-7). In the inscription of Adad-guppi, the mother of Nabonidus, written by the scribes of Nabonidus, the king is also considered the legitimate heir of Nebuchadnezzar and Neriglissar. Adad-guppi accuses their sons, Amēl-Marduk and Lābâši-Marduk, of neglecting the offerings to the spirit of their deceased fathers (see Beaulieu, ibid., 78). This case recalls the rabbinic midrashim concerning Evil- Merodach, who took the corpse of Nebuchadnezzar from its grave and fed it to the vultures. Therefore, it seems that some hidden strings might indeed connect the Babylonian and the rabbinical folklore after all. Berossus also retains a negative tradition of Amēl-Marduk (Euilmaradokhos): "He ruled capriciously and had no regard for the laws" (according to the translation of G. P. Verbrugge and J. M. Wickersham, Beros- sos and Manetho Introduced and Translated: Native Traditions in Ancient Mesopotamia and Egypt [Ann Arbor, MI, 2001], 60, F10a).
For further Biblical examples of this method, see: I. L. Seeligmann, "On the History and Nature of Prophecy in Israel," Eretz Israel 3 (1954), 129 [Heb.];
A. Rofé, "The Laws of Unification of Worship (11:31-12:12)," Introduction to Deuteronomy (Jerusalem, 1988), 13 [Heb.].