`Also' in Ishkashimi: additive particle and sentence connector. (original) (raw)
11 - Grammaticalization A Study of - FULLY FINAL JALS.pdf
Journal of Advanced Linguistic Studies, 2018
Conjunctive participial forms which are primarily used to join events have been found to be used in other senses also such as manner and instrumental cross linguistically (Hindi haskar bolii “she said with a smile,” Kalasha lash kai “slowly (lit.) slow doing” (Peterson 2012), Malayalam kuRiccu “about” from conjunctive participle form of kuRikk “to note,” toTTu “from” CP form of tod “to touch”). Bangla has certain highly polysemous postpositions like /kore/, /die/ and /nie/ which are conjunctive participial forms of the verbs /kOr/ “to do,” /de/ “to give” and /ne/ “to take.” For example, /kore/ is used as an instrumental marker with all kinds of vehicles which may be translated into English with “by.” E.g. /base kore/ “by bus.” It is also used with body parts when they are used as some instrument to carry some function. Similarly, die and nie are also used in different contexts as postpositions roughly translated into English as “through, by, via” etc. and “about.” The paper attempts to provide a cognitive account of grammaticalization process these verb forms have gone through by analyzing different senses of these postpositions. The goal of the paper is to check whether the cognitive senses of these postpositions are associated to the core verbal meaning from where they have come from. Keywords: Grammaticalization, Bangla, postpositions, conjunctive participles
Object Shift and Specificity Evidence from ko-phrases in Hindi
In the literature, at least two ways of marking specificity have been proposedeither structurally by moving out of the VP (Diesing (1992)) or morphologically as in Turkish (Enç (1991)). We discuss data from Hindi which marks specificity in a way very similar to Turkish, by the postposition ko. We claim that while the presence of morphological marking of specificity is necessary, it is not sufficient. To be interpreted as specific, an NP/DP has to satisfy the structural condition and be morphologically marked.
Similarities and differences between two Hungarian particles for also: szintén and is
Linguistics Beyond and Within (LingBaW), 2020
The paper provides a comparative analysis of the syntax, semantics and pragmatics of two Hungarian particles with the same logical core meaning also: is and szintén. The analysis yields important theoretical implications since it demonstrates how two particles sharing the same logical-propositional/truth-functional core meaning can expand into two different markers. In discourse, is acts as an intensional/metacognitive pragmatic marker in the sense as proposed by Aijmer et al. (2006), while szintén functions as a coherence-signaling discourse marker. The two particles share certain syntactic-semantic properties: neither of them can be followed by a topic, they both have distributive meaning, and both of them can pertain to the noun phrase that they immediately follow, as well as to ordered n-tuples of noun phrases. However, there are also syntactic and pragmasemantic differences between them. Namely, their ordered n-tuples have different word orders; is can function as a pragmatic m...
2024
Indonesian (Bahasa Indonesia) is a standardised variety of Malay. The language has two suffixes, -i and -kan, which can attach to verbs and function as applicative morphology: in each case, the suffix causes the argument array of the verb to be modified and it is the non-subject arguments which are affected. Both suffixes also have other functions; in one case the suffix is extensively used also as a causative morpheme. Indonesian has some features of a symmetrical voice system, and undergoer subject constructions are more common than passives in English, for example. Applicative constructions interact with the voice system; in particular, in some cases the applicative possibility is preferred in undergoer voice. For one suffix (-kan), it is not uncommon for the morpheme to appear but for the preposition introducing what would be expected to be an applied argument to be retained. In light of these various complications, we suggest that applicatives in Indonesian are best understood as constructions with characteristics, some more prototypical than others, which can be manipulated to accommodate syntactic and pragmatic factors.
The Stacking Behavior of Valence-Increasing Verbal Extensions and Their Arguments in Shona
2014
Most Bantu Languages exhibit several verbal affixes that change the meaning or argument structure of the verbs to which they attach. Two of the most cross-Bantu common of these morphemes are the applicative and causative. which are both valenceincreasing. making many intransitive verbs transitive and transitive verbs ditransitive. In addition to having these affixes. most Bantu languages also exhibit the ability to stack more than one of them at once. creating more complex structures. Shona (a language of Zimbabwe). however. displays a typologically unusual restriction. allowing only two postverbal objects at the most. In addition to this descriptive generalization. this paper provides a detailed account of verbal extensions and their objects in Shona. ultimately showing that many Shona objects behave asymmetrically. Towards the latter half of this report. the focus shifts to an analysis of the argument limit and asymmetrical object phenomena involving case. In order to explain seem...
JOURNAL OF LANGUAGE AND LINGUISTIC STUDIES
Within the framework of the systematic functional grammar (SFG), Matthiessen (2004) has provided an analysis of the word/element order according to which word/element order in a clause is decided by experiential, interpersonal and textual metafunctions. In this study which has been conducted aiming at the description and analysis of the word/element order in a simple Persian clause, we have sought to describe and analyze the sequence of the main elements in a Persian active simple declarative clause within Matthiessen (2004)'s metafunctional model. In fact, through evidence from Persian language, i.e. samples derived from Persian texts and also other Persian researchers' works, we have sought to demonstrate how the three experiential, interpersonal and textual metafunctions are involved in determining the order of the main elements in an active simple declarative clause in Persian. The results of this study show that the "basic" order of the main elements in a Persian simple clause and specifically single-Complement clause is in line with both experiential and interpersonal metafunctions and any type of the movement of the aforementioned elements in an active simple declarative clause in Persian language is explained with the help of the mechanisms of textual metafunction.
On the subject-predicate relation and subject agreement in SiSwati
Southern African linguistics and applied language …, 2006
All rights reserved 'The boys will drink alcohol.' (1b) Le-tinja ti-ng-emasela Det-10dogs 10SM-5thieves 'The dogs are thieves.' (1c) Ngi-khandz-e [ SC tinja ti-cosha bantfu] 1 st .sg.SM-find-PST 11dogs 11SM-chase 2people 'I found [dogs chasing people].' (1d) Ng-to-sebenta [ RC ngoba a-ngi-na-yo 10imali] 1sg.SM-FUT-work because Neg-1sg.SM-Prep-10pron 10money 'I work because I do not have money.' Syntactic analyses of the agreement relation that mediates the subject-predicate relationship are polarized between the purely syntactic ones (c.f. Carsterns & Kinyalolo, 1989; Kinyalolo, 1991; Demuth & Gruber, 1995) and the morpholexical ones (as in Bresnan & Mchombo, 1987). In fact, Bresnan and Mchombo (1987) propose that the subject agreement relationship is ambiguous. They argue that SM is a grammatical agreement prefix when the subject is adjacent to the verb (viz. within IP). But it is an incorporated anaphoric pronoun (and functions as the subject pronoun) when its co-referent is non-adjacent (viz. outside IP) or not pronounced as in (2). Crucially, they propose