Reform or cataclysm? The agreement of 8 February 1914 regarding the Ottoman eastern provinces (original) (raw)
Related papers
Kurdish and Armenian Land Dispute in the Second Constitutionalist Period and a S
Route education and social science journal, 2021
During the majority of 19th century and at the beginning of 20th century, one of the conflicts encountered by the Ottoman Empire is the land grabbing problems between Kurdish and Armenians. The reason of this problem results from Kurds spread in the Armenian territory, Armenian migration and Kurds' transition from nomadic to settled life. As this was not based on mutual consent of the parties, it brought some conflicts along with it. Therefore in the 2nd Constitutionalist Period, Ottoman Empire established a committee with the participation of the members of Kurdish nationalists and Armenian Dashnak Party (Armenian Revolutionary Federation), and tried to reconcile the parties by ensuring that Kurds return the land and commodities that they grabbed from Armenians. For this purpose, this committee was even given the authority of dismissing soldiers and administrative officials. Having heard of this initiative of Ottoman Empire, Armenians and Kurds gave petitions to the government about how this committee should be formed. However, this initiative was revoked and failed as a result of opposition from the Kurds. This paper analyzes the general situation before the formation of this committee and the events experienced thereafter.
Kurdish and Armenian Land Dispute in the Second Constitutionalist Period and a Solution Suggestion-II. MEŞRUTİYET DÖNEMİNDE KÜRT VE ERMENİ TOPRAK ANLAŞMAZLIĞI VE BİR ÇÖZÜM GİRİŞİMİ, 2021
During the majority of 19th century and at the beginning of 20th century, one of the conflicts encountered by the Ottoman Empire is the land grabbing problems between Kurdish and Armenians. The reason of this problem results from Kurds spread in the Armenian territory, Armenian migration and Kurds' transition from nomadic to settled life. As this was not based on mutual consent of the parties, it brought some conflicts along with it. Therefore in the 2nd Constitutionalist Period, Ottoman Empire established a committee with the participation of the members of Kurdish nationalists and Armenian Dashnak Party (Armenian Revolutionary Federation), and tried to reconcile the parties by ensuring that Kurds return the land and commodities that they grabbed from Armenians. For this purpose, this committee was even given the authority of dismissing soldiers and administrative officials. Having heard of this initiative of Ottoman Empire, Armenians and Kurds gave petitions to the government about how this committee should be formed. However, this initiative was revoked and failed as a result of opposition from the Kurds. This paper analyzes the general situation before the formation of this committee and the events experienced thereafter.
THE KURDS, THE ARMENIAN QUESTION, AND THE HISTORY OF ARMENIAN-KURDISH RELATIONS, VAHAN BAIBOURTIAN
This book elucidates the political and economic history of the Kurdish people who first composed a significant part of the Ottoman Empire, and later, of Republican Turkey. It goes on to explore the development of Armenian-Kurdish relations with its entire vicissitudes. It comprehensively illustrates manifestations of the Armenian and the Kurdish Questions at international diplomatic forums and the political interactions of the two neighboring nations in the last few decades. The Armenian Question is touched upon here only as much as it is closely linked with the Kurdish Question. This volume brings to the reader's attention that the Kurdish factor has had a negative impact on the development of the Armenian Question and was one of the reasons for the ultimate failure of the Armenian liberation movement.
Lately, Turkish government has taken some shy preliminary steps to acknowledge the Kurdish issue as a problem to be solved, beyond mere denial, assimilation and security-oriented measures of the past. The presence of the Kurdish party (Peace and Democracy Party, BDP) in the Parliament should have also normally contributed to the solution of the problem. However, as of mid 2010, this process seems to have stalled or even reversed. In this paper, we will try to understand this current deadlock by espousing a more historical approach and identify major axes and actors of the ongoing conflict. An associated box provides a timeline of major developments with regards the Kurdish issue.
This thesis looks at the impact of the transformation of Ottoman society from a multi-ethnic, religious and decentralized structure (i.e. the Ottoman Ancien Régime) to a modern nationhood on its Kurdish citizens. The roots of the Kurdish discontent with Turkish authority are traced back to the reaction of the Kurdish notables to the centralization reforms of the Tanzimat period. The main focus of the thesis is, though, on the period of revolutionary transformation from the Ottoman Empire to the Turkish Republic. Until the official destruction of the empire, under which the symbols of the Ottoman Muslim millet had served as a common bond between Turks and Kurds, the latter stayed devoted to the former’s struggle for survival and independence. However, after 1922, and especially from 1924, the radical emergence of the modern identity of the Turkish Republic alienated the Kurdish population and hence came Kurdish rebellions. The thesis argues that the fall of the Ottoman Ancien Régime and the subsequent modernization was inevitable, however, the methods and the pace of nation-building could have been different; in a sense, more evolutionary than revolutionary in nature. Why that course wasn't opted and how this influenced the Kurdish question of Turkey is analyzed by examining key historical facts of the time through an extensive survey of the literature relating to that early period of the Turkish Republic.
in Ramazan Hakkı Öztan and Alp Yenen (eds), Age of Rogues: Rebels, Revolutionaries, and Racketeers at the Frontiers of Empires (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2021), pp. 355-382.
T he Paris Peace Conference of 1919 paved the way for the emergence of new modern states in the Middle East, whether as fully independent entities or under mandatory oversight, by granting them sovereign powers within new 'national' territories. Paradoxically, however, as Bradley Miller puts it, the 'same sovereignty that empowered states also undermined them by limiting the reach of their authority in a world in which people crossed borders, with much more dexterity than law'. 2 Just as borders emerged as a resource for many to secure new economic avenues, sustain trans-border family connections or simply escape the law-criminals and smugglers 3-the 1 This chapter has received funding from the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation approval (Grant Agreement No. 725269).