« L’origen del llatí buricus ‘cavall petit’ i el grec βρικόν ‘ase’ » (original) (raw)

Ten New Etymologies between the Old Anatolian and the Celtic Languages

The article contributes to the most important problem of Indo-European etymology (viz. the Indo-European cognates of Old Anatolian vocabulary) by offering ten correspondences between the Old Anatolian and the Celtic languages: 1. Hitt. ḫap- ‘reichlich vorhanden sein’: OIr. ana- ‘richness, property’; 2. Hitt. šinura- ‘mittellos, arm’: OIr. sēna- ‘nier, désavouer, rejeter’; 3. CLu. manai- ‘(beschreibt Vorratskörbe)’: OIr. meinistir- (f.) ‘coffre contenant les ustensiles du culte’, 4. Hitt. mani- ‘Eiter’: OIr. mein·bligi- (pr.) ‘il foisonne, il fourmille’; 5. Hitt. maniti-‘Wachstum (?)’: OIr. muine ‘Berg’; 6. CLu. nani- ‘reinigen’: MIr. cruth·necht ‘roter Weizen’; 7. Hitt. ninga- ‘Regen’: OIr. nin- ‘cloud, wave’; 8. Hitt. KUŠšala- ‘Teil des Zaumzeugs’: OIr. selan- ‘corde, laisse de chien’; 9. Hitt. šant- ‘wertwolles Gegenstand’: OIr. sét- ‘trésor’; 10. Hitt. da- ‘all, ganz, gesamt’: OIr. dá ‘in full’.

Gallo-Brittonic Tasc(i)ouanos “Badger-slayer” and the Reflex of Indo-European *gwh

Rough ly a decade ago. Patrick Sims-Williams and the late Warren Cowgill published suhstant ial articles on the Celtic reflexes of the Indo-European aspirated voiced lahio-velar g"'!r. T hese independent pieces of work showed impressive areas of consensus. including the conclusion that the primary Celtic treatment of g 111 1! was unaspirated gw_ Cowgill a lone. however . proposed that this gw was subsequent ly simplified to w in ()aulish and British. for which he offered a~ direct evidence only the Gaulish ucdiiu(-mi) 'l beseech' and the Old Breton persnn:~l name Uurmhaelm1 ' ha ving brown brows', both of whi ch have heen disputed.

Historical Linguistics: Afro-Romanic, Basque and the origins of Ibero-Romance languages

2017

The following pages will present the state of the art regarding questions such as: How much do we know about the continuity of Latin in Northwest Africa between the 5 th and the 10 th centuries? How well do we know Afro-Romanic? Could we determine some basic linguistic features of Afro-Romanic and, if yes, which ones? Which data are consistent with the presence of Berbers, Afro-Romanic speakers, in Al-Andalus? To what extent Afro-Romanic may have exerted an influence on Andalusi Romance? Which consequences this may have on the present knowledge of Iberian Romance languages? Some of the answers are striking and all of them deserve a closer revision into the origins of Ibero-Romance considering the latest data. Resumen: Las páginas siguientes se preguntan por estado de la técnica en relación a cuestiones tales como: ¿Cuánto sabemos sobre la continuidad del latín en el noreste de África entre los siglos V y X? ¿Cuánto sabemos del afro-románico? ¿Podemos determinar algunos rasgos básicos del afro-románico? Si la respuesta es afirmativa ¿Cuáles? ¿Qué datos son consistentes con la presencia de los bereberes, hablantes de variedades afro-románicas, en Alandalús? ¿Hasta qué punto el afro-románico pudo tener alguna influencia en el romance andalusí o qué consecuencias puede tener todo ello en el conocimiento actual de las lenguas iberorrománicas? Algunas respuestas llaman la atención y todas ameritan una mejor revisión de los orígenes del iberorrománico, a la luz de los datos disponibles más modernos.

Ibero-Romance: Comparative Phonology and Morphology

Hispania, 1983

ALAUDA > aloa >alondra ,-, a los a (lark); and parts of the body of animals: BECCUS>pico, bico, bee (beak). There are two words which refer to Celtic clothing: CAMISIA>camisa, camisa , camisa (shirt); and, from the accusative plural of BRACAE>bragas, bragas, bragas (short pants). The road of a Celt was a CAMMINUS >camino, caminho, camf which he traveled by means of a CARRUM >carro, carro, car (cart) and he measured the distance by a LEUCA>legua, l^qua, llegua (league). The Celt may have lived in a CAPANNA>cabana, cabana, cabanya (cabin) which he could have constructed himself if he were a CARPEN-TARIUS> carpintero, carpinteiro,-(carpenter). He may have been the *VASSALLOS > vasallo, vassalo, vassall (vassal) and sought the protection of a lord. The common drink of the people was probably CER-VESIA> cerveza, cerveja, cervesa (beer). Two other words seem to have their origins in Celtic: *PETTIA>pieza, pega, pega (piece) and *MlNA>mina, mina, mena (mine). There is one noun of an abstract nature that can be traced to Celtic origin: *BRIGOS >brfo, brio, brio meaning "strength" or "courage". Analogous to the characteristic suffix-rro in words of Iberian origin is the prefix ca-in words of Celtic derivation. Phonological developments have also been traced to Celtic, not without some debate. Lapesa attributes the sonorization of intervocalic stops to the Celtic substratum, not only in the Peninsula but in all of Romance, basing his observation on the vacillation in the spelling of words with

Studies in Uralic Etymology IV: Ob-Ugric Etymologies

Linguistica Uralica, 2015

This paper is the fourth part in a series of studies that present additions to the corpus of etymological comparisons between the Uralic languages, drawing data from all the major branches of the language family. It includes both previously unnoticed cognates that can be added to already established Uralic cognate sets, as well as a few completely new reconstructions of Uralic word roots. In this fourth part new Uralic etymologies for 18 Ob-Ugric (Khanty and Mansi) words are discussed. The etymologized words are Proto-Mansi (PMs) *äɣt ’channel, head of a river’ (< PU *wiksi/*wiski), Proto-Khanty (PKh) *čǖɣ ’mist’ (< PU *čäki), PKh *č􀉃j􀉉, PMs *šāĺ ’true, truth’ (< PU *čo􀄀i), PKh *č􀎘p, PMs *šup ’piece, block of wood’ (< PU *č􀉃ppa- ’cut, notch (wood)’), PKh *jiɣ, PMs *jäɣ ’father’ (< PU *ekä), PKh *jil- ’go, visit’, PMs *jäl- ’go, walk’ (< PU *elä- ’live, visit’), PKh *jēm ’taboo’ (< PU *jemä), PKh *jipǝḷ ’shadow’ (< PU *eji ’night’ + *pälä ’side’), PKh *küć- ’track, follow’ (< PU *küji-), PKh *kājǝm, PMs *kūĺmǝ ’ashes’ (< PU *kaδ́a- ’leave’), PMs *kär- ’cut, be sharp’ (< PU *kirä-), PKh *Lǟnt ’corn, grain’ (< PU *sewi- ’eat’), PMs *lūp-luw ’shoulder-blade’ (< PU *lapa ’shoulder’ + *luwi ’bone’), PKh *mūɣǝt ’anabranch, side channel of a river’ (< PU *mi̮tka), PKh *pǟɣǝl- ’forge’ (< PU *peksä-), PMs *tim- ’turn soft’, PKh *tintǝl-, PMs *tintǝl- ’soften (skins)’ (< PU *tejmi-), PKh *tam ’trapping pit’, PMs *tam ’hunting fence’ (< PU *tuma), and PKh *wī̮č ’border’ (< PU *woča ’fence’). The principles of reconstruction and the citation of lexical material are explained in the first paper of the series (Luobbal Sámmol Sámmol Ánte (Aikio) 2013).

Suspended affixation with Tocharian adjectival suffix A -ṣi / B -ṣṣe and its possible parallel in Old Uighur

Journal of Language Relationship • 16/4, 2018

In this paper, I discuss a hitherto undescribed property of the Tocharian adjectival suffixes (most commonly A -ṣi / B -ṣṣe, more rarely also -tstse and -ññe) to be shared by conjuncts. I will attempt to prove that such constructions are based on coordinated nouns and not on dvandva-type compounds, and compare Tocharian data with the situation in the areally close Old Uighur. If my assumption is correct, suspended affixation is possible not only with inflectional morphemes of secondary cases, but also with derivational ones, although the latter phenomenon is less widely spread in Tocharian.