Word order variation in Spanish and Italian interrogatives. The role of the subject in ‘why’-interrogatives. (original) (raw)

On word order variation and informationstructure in peninsular spanish and italian ‘why’-interrogatives

Cadernos de Estudos Linguísticos

In this paper, we investigate the effect of information structure on word order in Italian and Peninsular Spanish ‘why’-interrogatives, and whether these two languages differ from each other. To this end, we conducted two empirical studies. In a parallel text corpus study, we compared the frequency of the word order patterns ‘why’SV and ‘why’VS, as well as the distribution of focal and non-focal subjects in the two languages. In order to get a deeper understanding of the impact of the information structural categories focus and givenness on word order in ‘why’-interrogatives, we conducted a forced-choice experiment. The results indicate that word order is affected by focus in Italian, while it is not determined by any information structural category in Peninsular Spanish. We show that Italian and Peninsular Spanish ‘why’-interrogatives differ from each other in two ways. First, non-focal subjects occur preverbally in Italian, while they occupy the postverbal position in Peninsular S...

Two types of subject inversion in Italian wh-questions

Revue Roumaine de Linguistique, 2017

In this paper, we discuss the phenomenon of subject inversion in Italian wh-questions. Experimental evidence is provided for the distinction pointed out in Rizzi (2001) between direct questions introduced by perché ‘why’ and wh-questions introduced by other bare wh-phrases with respect to subject inversion. In particular, we show that why-questions display information-structure motivated subject inversion, while other wh-operators obligatorily require the subject to occur postverbally. Contrasting the respective focus structure, we then offer a semantic explanation of the two types of subject inversion: in why-questions a narrow focus is semantically motivated and, thus, possible, whereas in the other wh-questions the presence of a narrow focus would yield a clash in the calculation of question-answer congruence. We finally propose an implementation of this asymmetry in cartographic terms.

Subject ~ Verb word-order in Spanish interrogatives Brown & Rivas 2011

We conduct a quantitative analysis of conversational speech from native speakers of Puerto Rican Spanish to test whether optional non-inversion of subjects in wh-questions (¿qué tú piensas?) is indicative of a movement in Spanish from flexible to rigid word order . We find high rates of subject expression (51%) and a strong preference for SV word order (47%) over VS (4%) in all sentence types, in line with assertions of fixed SVO word order. The usage-based examination of 882 wh-questions shows non-inversion occurs in 14% of the cases (25% of wh-questions containing an overt subject). Variable rule analysis reveals subject, verb and question type significantly constrain interrogative word order, but we find no evidence that word order is predicted by perseveration. SV word order is highest in rhetorical and quotative questions, revealing a pathway of change through which word order is becoming fixed in this variety.

The Right Periphery of Interrogatives in Catalan and Spanish : Syntax/Prosody Interactions

Catalan Journal of Linguistics, 2013

It has been reported in the literature that interrogative sentences behave quite differently regarding subject-verb inversion in Spanish and Catalan: whereas the former allows 'classical' VS inversion, and particularly VSO, the latter systematically resorts to right-dislocation in all cases (V(O)#S). In this paper we scrutinize this observation from a corpus-based perspective, and including into the syntactic picture the prosodic and pragmatic features of interrogatives. We show that Catalan interrogatives clearly favor RD, in sharp contrast with Spanish, which favors in situ realization of background material. This latter option has important consequences for the prosodic patterns of Spanish interrogatives, which mark final focus constituents with a pitch rising and that final background material with a slight pitch fall.

Postverbal subjects and main prominence in Italian wh-questions *

2019

Ad Andrea, per tutto quello che ci ha insegnato, trasmesso e cucinato * We would like to thank Valentina Bianchi and Lucia Pozzan for invaluable help and discussion. Giuliano Bocci's research was supported by the ERC Advanced Grant 340297 SynCart. 1 Note that the two generalizations do not hold for Italian yes/no-questions. Even if it used to be a feature of Old Italian (cf. Munaro 2010), modern Italian yes/no-questions do not require subject inversion, either in the matrix or in an embedded clause; nor do they display any special prosodic pattern with respect to the placement of NPA.

An Excursion Into Interrogatives in Early English and Italian

Journal of Multivariate Analysis

We investigate the production of subject and object who-and which-questions in the Italian of 4to 5-year-olds and report a subject/object asymmetry observed in other studies. We argue that this asymmetry stems from interference of the object copy in the AGREE relation between AgrS and the subject in the Spec of the verb phrase. We show that different avoidance strategies are attempted by the child to get around this interference, all boiling down to a double checking of agreement: AGREE and Spec-Head. Then, we evaluate our approach from a cross-linguistic perspective and offer an account of the differences observed across early languages. Because our account seems to call both for a grammatical and a processing explanation, we end with a critical discussion of this dichotomy.

The acquisition of subject-verb inversion and preposition placement in Spanish wh- questions

The present study examines two syntactic properties of wh- questions in second-language Spanish: subject-verb inversion and preposition placement. Specifically, we examine difficulties that native English speakers have in acquiring feature strength and sentence structure in Spanish that differ from English, and we also examine the degree to which L2 speakers improve their question formation. We included three L2 speaker groups (beginner, intermediate, advanced) and a control group (native Spanish speakers), employing both a written production task and an acceptability judgement task. Results indicate that participants at all levels did not have problems with the placement of the interrogative element. However, difficulties arose with subject-verb inversion and preposition placement. Despite such difficulties, L2 speakers showed an improvement as their levels increased, particularly in the case of preposition placement. With regard to theoretical positions within the generative framework, the current data lend support to the Full Transfer/Full Access Hypothesis (Schwartz & Sprouse, 1996).

Interference in the production of Italian subject and object wh-questions

We investigate the production of subject and object who-and which-questions in the Italian of 4to 5-year-olds and report a subject/object asymmetry observed in other studies. We argue that this asymmetry stems from interference of the object copy in the AGREE relation between AgrS and the subject in the Spec of the verb phrase. We show that different avoidance strategies are attempted by the child to get around this interference, all boiling down to a double checking of agreement: AGREE and Spec-Head. Then, we evaluate our approach from a cross-linguistic perspective and offer an account of the differences observed across early languages. Because our account seems to call both for a grammatical and a processing explanation, we end with a critical discussion of this dichotomy.