Is there an ethnicity bias in Catalan secessionism? Discourses and political actions (original) (raw)
Related papers
This paper will study the discursive production of the nationalist conservative elite of Catalonia through an analysis of collective action frames and their connection to the nationalist ideology, particularly to the secessionist process started in 2012. It shall describe the mechanisms used in those action frames and propose an interpretation of the way such frames affect the modes of ideological interpellation, and change their pattern of meaning.
Separatism Today: The Geopolitically Significant Case of Catalonia
STRATEGIES XXI: The Complex and Dynamic Nature of the Security Environment, 2022
Catalonia’s national identity has its roots in the Middle Ages and Early Modern Times. In the 19th century, the Catalonian search for independence was encouraged by romantic and revolutionary concepts spread across Europe. After the First World War, we can notice a significant increase of political actions as regards the Catalonian nationalists-separatists, including violent episodes and riots in main cities. As for the contemporary period, the financial crisis in 2007-2008 acted as a new booster for nationalist-separatist ideas leading eventually to referendums in 2009 and also in 2017. The present study is exploring in a historical register the process of Catalonian’s independence. In doing so, I intend to identify and examine the Catalan’s main reasons in claiming complete political independence. The study tackles particularly recent interviews presenting opinions of several Catalonian citizens, some of them with political or administrative responsibilities, concerning regional i...
Legalizing secession: the Catalan Case (coauthor Lluís Pérez)
In this article we review the main theories of secession from a normative point of view, relating them to the debate on the constitutionalization of secession and the Catalan case in particular. Our conclusion is that secession conflicts are complex because several issues related to justice and democracy are involved. For the Catalan case, we defend the idea of adopting a constitutional or (quasi-)constitutional approach as a peaceful and reasonable way to handle the secessionist debate. This would take into account what authors such as Norman or Sunstein have suggested in their analyses. Liberal democracies are able to consider secession as a way of solving territorial disputes, which need to be approached from a pragmatic and reasonable point of view.
International and European Institutions and Catalan Nationalism
Hague Journal on the Rule of Law, 2024
The exercise of public power by substate entities poses a challenge for international law. Although such entities lack international legal personality, their actions can have international significance and, because they are state organs, must always adhere to the international obligations assumed by the state. In Spain, the autonomous communities exercise broad powers, which, in the case of Catalonia (via the Generalitat), include education, healthcare, prisons and police. Research shows that the Generalitat has exercised-and, to some extent, continues to exercise-some of its powers in disregard of certain constitutional and legal obligations. This action by public authorities in disregard of the law can have international consequences, and various international organizations have expressed positions on it through their bodies. This paper examines these positions on the Generalitat's actions in connection with the secession process and other related policies, including both those that have been critical of this behaviour and those that have expressed direct or indirect support for it. The practice of the European Union, the Council of Europe, and the UN Human Rights Council through its Special Rapporteur on minority issues is analysed.