Violent Order: Religious Warfare, Chivalry, and the 'Ayyar Phenomenon in the Medieval Islamic World (original) (raw)

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This work delves into the 'Ayyar phenomenon within the context of religious warfare and chivalry in the Medieval Islamic world. It examines the roles and societal positions of 'Ayyars, drawing parallels to the knights of High Middle Ages Europe. The exploration includes interpretations of historical texts and discussions on the implications of these figures in both Islamic and European contexts.

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References (381)

  1. Muḥammad Ibrāhīm Bāstānī Pārīzī, Yaʿqūb-e Lays, Tehran 1344/1965-6, pp. 42-3.
  2. Bosworth, Ghaznavids, loc. cit.
  3. Bosworth, Ṣaffārids of Sistan, loc. cit.
  4. Bertold Spuler, Iran in Früh-Islamischer Zeit: Politik, Kultur, Verwaltung und öffentliches Leben zwischen der Arabischen und der Seldschukischen Eroberung 633 bis 1055, Wiesbaden, 1952, pp. 69-70.
  5. Ibid. p. 490. Note that his footnote here merely refers back to Taeschner's "Islamisches Or- densrittertum zur Zeit der Kreuzzeuge," Welt als Geschichte 5, 1938, pp. 382-408.
  6. George Duby, William Marshal: The Flower of Chivalry, tr. Richard Howard, New York, 1985, pp. 44-46. There is a very strong parallel with what Cahen noted of the behaviour of Islamic chivalry, the fityān: "In fact they freely professed the legitimacy of theft, provided that it was executed with chivalry ..." Cahen, "Tribes, Cities and Social Organization," The Cambridge History of Iran. Volume IV: The Period from the Arab Invasion to the Saljuqs, ed. R. N. Frye, Cambridge, 1975, p. 320. The present author disagrees with Cahen's subsequent characterization of what precisely chivalry would entail in this context; vide infra Chapters Seven and Eight.
  7. J. R. R. Tolkien, The Letters of J. R. R. Tolkien, ed. Humphrey Carpenter, Boston, 2000, p. 268. G. Halsall remarks in an historical context that "Especially over long periods, the same words ... need not necessarily have had the same meanings." (G. Halsall, "Violence and society in the early medieval west: an introductory survey," in Violence and Society in the Early Medieval West, ed. G. Halsall, Woodbridge, Suffolk, 1998, p. 6).
  8. Al-Ṣafadī, al-Wāfī bi'l-Wafayāt, vol. 6, p. 69.
  9. Ibn Khallikān, Wafayāt al-Aʿyan, vol. 3, p. 22.
  10. Abū Nuʿaym al-Iṣbahānī, Ḥilyat al-awliyā', vol. 8, p. 172. Dhahabī, Siyar aʿlām al-nubalā', vol. 8, pp. 378-379, calls him: "the imām, Shaykh al-Islām, the cleric of his time [ʿālim zamānihi], and the prince of the God-fearing [amīr al-atqiyāʾ] of his era, … al-Marwazī, al- Ḥāfiẓ, al-Ghāzī …" 81 Either referring to the Jihad against the Byzantines and against the Turks; or, since this is a Sufi source dating from a later period, when the concept of jihād al-nafs had already devel- oped, referring to the Jihad of the Sword and the Jihad of the Spirit.
  11. Ibn ʿAsākir, Ta'rīkh madīnat Dimashq, vol. 32, pp. 300-301; Dhahabī, Siyar aʿlām al-nubalā', vol. 8, pp. 378-379. Aḥmad b. Ḥanbal is later (p. 382) given as the authority for this date.
  12. Ibn ʿAsākir, Ta'rīkh madīnat Dimashq, vol. 32, p. 402; Dhahabī, Siyar aʿlām al-nubalā', vol. 8, p. 381. According to an alternative story, surely legendary, Ibn al-Mubārak's father was in- deed a slave, but his master was so impressed with his bondsman 's honesty and integrity that he gave his own daughter in marriage to the slave (Ibn Khallikān, Wafayāt al-Aʿyan, vol. 3, pp. 22-23). Note that the authority for this story is given as Ibrāhīm b. Adham.
  13. Abū Nuʿaym al-Iṣbahānī, Ḥilyat al-awliyā', vol. 8, p. 173; Al-Mizzī, Tahdhīb al-kamāl, vol. 10, p. 473. Hujvīrī (Kashf al-maḥjūb, p. 117) calls him "imām-i vaqt-i khūd." Dhahabī, Siyar aʿlām al-nubalā', vol. 8, p. 390 has the even more emphatic "Imām al-muslimīn ajmaʿīn."
  14. Dhahabī, Siyar aʿlām al-nubalā', vol. 8, p. 395.
  15. Dhahabī, Siyar aʿlām al-nubalā', vol. 8, pp. 397, 398 and 405. Aḥmad b. Ḥanbal's praise appears also in al-Mizzī, Tahdhīb al-kamāl, vol. 10, p. 473.
  16. Dhahabī, Siyar aʿlām al-nubalā', vol. 8, p. 390. Ibn Ḥanbal himself is reported by his son and biographer, Ṣāliḥ b. Aḥmad b. Ḥanbal, to have tried to attend Ibn al-Mubārak's ma- jlis, but was told upon his arrival there that Ibn al-Mubārak had just left for Tarsus (Ibn ʿAsākir, Ta'rīkh madīnat Dimashq, vol. 5, p. 265).
  17. Abū Nuʿaym al-Iṣbahānī, Ḥilyat al-awliyā', vol. 8, pp. 173-174; al-Mizzī, Tahdhīb al-kamāl, vol. 10, p. 472; Dhahabī, Siyar aʿlām al-nubalā', vol. 8, p. 388.
  18. An even stronger version has it that Sufyān al-Thawrī made his best effort to be like Ibn al- Mubārak for just one day, but that he was unable to do so (al-Mizzī, Tahdhīb al-kamāl, vol. 10, p. 472). There are also variant traditions in which either someone declares in Sufyān's presence, or Sufyān al-Thawrī himself proclaims Ibn al-Mubārak to be the nonpareil of "the East, the West, and everything that lies between," Dhahabī, Siyar aʿlām al-nubalā', vol. 8, p. 389; Farīd al-Dīn ʿAṭṭār, Tadhkirat al-awliyā', p. 211, has Sufyān al-Thawrī declare him the most exalted in the East, and Fuḍayl [b. ʿIyāḍ] add "and the Maghrib and that which is between the two." Ṣāliḥ Shuʿayb b. Ibrāhīm b. Shuʿayb al-Bajli al-Bayhaqī, for example, a pupil of Aḥmad b. Ḥanbal's close friend Muḥammad b. Yaḥyā al-Dhuhlī (vide infra, chapter 4) and a re- nowned ʿālim in his own right, had a son, Imam Abū'l-Ḥasan Muḥammad b. Shuʿayb al- Bayhaqī (d. 324), "muftī of the Shāfiʿīs", who wrote a work praising the muṭṭawwiʿ life. (Abū'l-Ḥasan ʿAlī b. Zayd Bayhaqī [Ibn Funduq], Tārīkh-i Bayhaq, ed. Muḥammad Qaz- vīnī, Tehran, 1960, p. 158)
  19. Qurʾān 9:123. The source of the anecdote is Ibn Abī Yaʿlā, Ṭabaqāt al-fuqahā' al-Ḥanābila, vol. 1, p. 87.
  20. Yaʿqūb's question would seem to imply that commanders were not to be hurt in the fray.
  21. Ṭabarī, Taʾrīkh, vol. 9, pp. 383-384.
  22. A point already noted by Bosworth, The Ṣaffārids, p. 145.
  23. Ibn Abī Yaʿlā, Ṭabaqāt al-fuqahā' al-ḥanābila, vol. 1, p. 91. The same statement is made with a different attribution in Muḥammad b. Shākir al-Kutubī, ʿUyūn al-tawārīkh, Beirut 1416/ 1996, p. 330.
  24. Alternatively, he is called "Shaykh al-Islām … wa-imām ahl al-ḥadīth bi-Khurāsān." (Dhahabī, Siyar aʿlām al-nubalā', vol. 12, p. 273)
  25. 103 al-Baghdādī, Taʾrīkh Baghdād, vol. 3, pp. 415-416.
  26. Al-Dhahabī, Siyar, vol. 12, p. 275. 105 al-Baghdādī, Taʾrīkh Baghdād, p. 416; Al-Dhahabī, Siyar, vol. 12, p. 280. The regard was mu- tual; Muḥammad b. Yaḥyā is reported by his son to have said: I hold Aḥmad b. Ḥanbal my imām in matters between me and my Lord, may he be glorified and exalted." (p. 282)
  27. 106 al-Baghdādī, Taʾrīkh Baghdād, p. 417; al-Dhahabī, Siyar aʿlām al-nubalā', vol. 12, p. 281. An even stronger statement is the following: "I used to hear our religious leaders [mashā- 'ikhanā] saying: The tradition that Muḥammad b. Yaḥyā does not know is not worth know- ing [lit. : is insignificant].
  28. Al-Iṣbahānī, Ḥilyat al-awliyā', vol. 8, p. 178, #11799.
  29. Ṣafadī, loc. cit.; Dhahabī, Siyar aʿlām al-nubalāʾ, vol. 12, p. 278. 115 al-Baghdādī, Taʾrīkh Baghdād, p. 420; Ibn al-Athīr (al-Kāmil, vol. 7, p. 258) lists his death under 258/c. 872; Ṣafadī, ibid., concurs with Ibn al-Athīr, as does al-Dhahabī, Siyar, vol. 12, p. 284.
  30. For Abū'l Ḥusayn Aḥmad b. Muḥammad b. Yaḥyā al-Naysābūri al-Ghāzī see al-Samʿānī, al-Ansāb, vol. 4, p. 244, #7476; for al-Dhuhlī's pupil Abū Ḥāmid Aḥmad b. Muḥammad al-Rafāʾ al-Ghāzī al-Naysābūri, see ibid., vol. 4, p. 245, #7477; his pupil Abū'l-ʿAbbās Ḥāmid b. Maḥmūd b. Muḥammad al-Sikishī al-Naysābūri al-Shahīd can be found in ibid., vol. 3, p. 292, #5269.
  31. He is sometimes incorrectly called "Ḥaykān," a term which seems more properly to belong to his relation, Khālid b. Aḥmad b. Khālid al-Dhuhlī, also active in supporting the Ṣaffārids. Pace Bosworth, who follows Ibn al-Athīr's mistake (al-Kāmil, vol. 7, p. 300) in identifying Khālid b. Aḥmad b. Khālid al-Dhuhlī (the grandson of the amīr Bukhārā dis- cussed above) with Yaḥyā b. Muḥammad b. Yaḥyā al-Dhuhlī; Gardīzī (Zayn al-akhbār, p. 9) makes very clear that these were two different, but related, people: "And Ḥaykān Qārī [viz. Khālid b. Aḥmad b. Khālid] and Yaḥyā b. Muḥammad b. [the editor mistakenly has "wa" instead of "b." here] Yaḥyā al-Dhuhlī -they [were] muṭṭawwiʿa and fuqahāʾ of Nīshāpūr - inclined towards ʿAmr …"
  32. Al-Dhahabī, Taʾrīkh al-Islām, vol. 20, p. 198.
  33. Abū Muḥammad ʿAbdullāh b. Asʿad al-Yāfiʿī, Mir'āt al-jinān wa-ʿibrat al-yaqẓān fī maʿrifat mā yuʿtabaru min ḥawādith al-zamān, Hyderabad, 1337/1918, vol. 2, p. 181.
  34. Khaled Abou El Fadl, Rebellion and Violence in Islamic Law, Cambridge, 2001, p. 45.
  35. Abou El Fadl, Rebellion and Violence, p. 61.
  36. Abou El Fadl, Rebellion and Violence, p. 326.
  37. Ibid. , emphasis added. 14 Noted by Abou El Fadl, Rebellion and Violence, pp. 44-47.
  38. A. K. S. Lambton, "Concepts of Authority in Persia: Eleventh to Nineteenth Centuries," Iran: Journal of the British Institute of Persian Studies 26 (1988), p. 95.
  39. Abū ʿUmar b. Muḥammad b. 'Abd Rabbihi al-Andalusī, Kitāb al-ʿiqd al-farīd, ed. Ibrāhīm al-Abyārī. Beirut: Dār al-Kitāb al-ʿArabī, no date, vol. 2, p. 194. Note that Ibn al-Mubārak deliberately plays upon the word sulṭān, which, as Hugh Kennedy has noted, was used fre- quently at this time to denote the Caliph.
  40. Michael Cook, Commanding Right and Forbidding Wrong in Islamic Thought, p. 105.
  41. For a discussion of the subject, see C. E. Bosworth, The Ghaznavids, p. 103. Niẓāmī ʿArūḍī Samarqandī (Chahārmaqāla, Tehran, 1375/1955f. , p. 55) refers to this particular passion of Maḥmud's as "famous and well-known." ["maʿrūf ast ū mashhūr"]
  42. See, for instance, the accounts of al-Amīn's frivolity and self-undulgence, Masʿūdī, Murūj, vol. 4, the entire section on al-Amīn's caliphate.
  43. Tārīkh-i Sīstān, p. 263. Obviously, the numbers themselves are unreliable; what is impor- tant is Yaʿqūb's reputation.
  44. Tārīkh-i Sīstān, pp. 264-265.
  45. Tārīkh-i Sīstān, p. 268.
  46. Al-Dhahabī, Ta'rīkh al-Islām, vol. 20, p. 51.
  47. Ibn al-Athīr, al-Kāmil, vol. 7, p. 362. Al-Dhahabī, Ta'rīkh al-Islām, vol. 20, p. 51, makes very clear that ab initio al-Khujistānī had espoused the Ṭāhirid cause only from motives of ex- pediency: "He began showing an inclination for Banū Ṭāhir, in order to win over the hearts of the common people [raʿiyya] by this."
  48. It is unclear in precisely which year he took Herat; al-Isfizārī's Rawḍat al-jannāt (p. 383) gives no date, but Tārīkh-i Sīstān, p. 239, states that 268/881f. was the year in which the re- bels took control of the city. This accords well with the numismatic evidence; al- Khujistānī's Herat issue begins in 268/881f. (e. g. ANS 1990. 100. 8; ANS 1998. 93. 2; ANS 1990. 100. 6).
  49. On this reform see Tayeb El-Hibri, "Coinage Reform Under the ʿAbbāsid Caliph al- Maʾmūn," Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 36 (1993), pp. 58-83.
  50. M. Bates, "The ʿAbbāsid Coinage System, 833-946," paper delivered at the Middle East Studies Association Annual Meeting, Providence, Rhode Island, November 1996, pp. 4-5. The author is grateful to Michael Bates for having made a copy of this paper available.
  51. Ibn al-Athīr, al-Kāmil, vol. 7, p. 363, mentions the coins, but without the detailed descrip- tion Ṭabarī gives. Al-Dhahabī, Ta'rīkh al-Islām, vol. 20, p. 25, states merely that "He minted coins in his own name, and left out the name al-Muʿtamid on the reverse side."
  52. Ṭabarī, Ta'rīkh, vol. 9, p. 600.
  53. Al-Anṣārī, Ṭabaqāt al-ṣūfiyya, pp. 103-104. Ḥamdūn was also known for zuhd; see Sulamī, Ṭabaqāt al-ṣūfiyya, p. 128.
  54. In fact, at one point Ḥamdūn asks Nūḥ for the definition of javānmardī.
  55. Al-Hujvīrī, Kashf al-Maḥjūb, p. 228.
  56. For a fairly comprehensive biography of al-Ḥīrī, see R. Gramlich, Alte Vorbilder des Sufitums, vol. 2, pp. 175-241.
  57. 87 al-Dhahabī, Siyar aʿlām al-nubalā', vol. 14, p. 63; similarly, "In the world there are three who have no fourth: Abū ʿUthmān al-Ḥīrī in Nisābūr; al-Junayd in Baghdad, and Abū ʿAbdallāh b. al-Jalā' in Syria," Ibn al-Mulaqqin, Ṭabaqāt al-awliyā', p. 188; Ibn Khallikān, Wafayāt al-aʿyān, vol. 2, p. 309. On his origins, see also Anṣārī, Ṭabaqāt al-ṣūfiyya, p. 198; the latter work also specifically equates him in stature with Junayd, p. 162.
  58. Al-Nīsābūrī, Tārīkh-i Nīshāpūr, p. 115.
  59. Hujvīrī,. Kashf al-Maḥjūb, p. 166. 90 al-Dhahabī, Siyar aʿlām al-nubalā', vol. 14, pp. 64-65. The year must be slightly off, unless Rāfiʿ b. Harthama continued al-Khujistānī's policies.
  60. Dhuhlī Ḥaykān, and particularly connects him to al-Mustamlī, who as we have just seen was one of Ḥaykān's closest associates. Abū ʿUthmān is also connected to chivalry and chivalric ideals as well. He is asked, for instance, to define what constitutes the javānmardān (practitioners of chivalry); 91 both he and Abū Ḥafṣ are quoted defining the concept of muruwwa. 92 One of his companions, Abū Bakr Muḥammad b. Jaʿfar Shibhī, is called "of the javānmardān of the shaykhs of the time; he kept company with shaykh Abū ʿUthmān Ḥīrī …" This same al-Shibhī is quoted as an authority on futuwwa. 93 In fact, there appears to have been a larger circle of Abū ʿUthmān's friends who are said to have belonged to the fityān. Abū'l-Fawāris Shāh b. Shujāʿ al- Kirmānī, for instance, a very famous sufi, and Abū ʿUthmān's teacher, 94 is de- scribed as follows: "Of the friends [rafīqān] of Abū Ḥafṣ al-Nīshāpūrī … he be- came the teacher of Abū ʿUthmān Ḥīrī. He was of the greatest of the fityān …" 95 He is quoted as giving the following statement about futuwwa: "Futuwwa is of the characteristics of the freeborn, and censure of the practices of the base." 96 Finally, there is Abū ʿUthmān's associate Abū'l-Ḥasan ʿAlī b. Muḥammad Aḥmad b. Sahl al-Ṣūfī al-Būshanjī, who is said to have been "one of the foremost fityān of Khurāsān" 97 and is also described as being "of the peerless ones of the javānmardān of Khurāsān. He visited Abū ʿUthmān Ḥīrī … and [was] adept in fu- tuwwa." 98 He is also referred to as "the most knowledgable of the shaykhs of his time … and the most excellent of them in futuwwa and renunciation [tajrīd]." 99 It is even said that "the way of futuwwa and ikhlāṣ was cut off in Nīshāpūr by his death [in 340/951f. ]. 100 Al-Būshanjī defines taṣawwuf as follows: "It is freedom [ḥurriyya] and futuwwa, the abandonment of constraint in generosity [tark al- takalluf fī'l-sakhā'], and [it is] elegance in morals [al-taẓarruf fī'l-akhlāq]." 101 All of this, of course, places the sufi-futuwwa connection much earlier than the eleventh century, when such a connection is traditionally thought to have begun. 102
  61. Anṣārī, Ṭabaqāt al-ṣūfiyya, p. 199.
  62. Anṣārī, Ṭabaqāt al-ṣūfiyya, p. 193.
  63. E. g. Anṣārī, Ṭabaqāt al-ṣūfiyya, p. 454, where he is defines the concept as follows: "Futu- wwa is people's being good, and giving generously of the good." [ al-futuwwa ḥusn al-khuluq wa -badhl al-maʿrūf]
  64. Al-Hujvīrī, Kashf al-Maḥjūb, pp. 167, 174.
  65. Anṣārī, Ṭabaqāt al-ṣūfiyya, p. 195; al-Sulamī, Ṭabaqāt al-ṣūfiyya, p. 192. al-Qushayrī writes that he was "Aḥad al-fityān, kabīr al-sha'n" (al-Risāla al-Qushayriyya, p. 77).
  66. Al-Sulamī, Ṭabaqāt al-ṣūfiyya, p. 193.
  67. Al-Sulamī, Ṭabaqāt al-ṣūfiyya, p. 458.
  68. Anṣārī, Ṭabaqāt al-ṣūfiyya, p. 421.
  69. Al-Sulamī, Ṭabaqāt al-ṣūfiyya, p. 458; Ibn al-Mulaqqin, Ṭabaqāt al-awliyā', p. 196. al- Būshanjī, too, (Sulamī, ibid. p. 460; Ibn al-Mulaqqin, ibid. ) speaks about muruwwa as well.
  70. Al-Sulamī, Ṭabaqāt al-ṣūfiyya, p. 460. 102 See supra, Chapter One.
  71. In the year 291/904, for example, he sent word to Baghdad about a very large campaign he had successfully undertaken, together with "a great many" of the mutaṭawwiʿa, against the Turks, who had been on the march against the Muslims (Ṭabarī, Ta'rīkh, vol. 10, p. 116).
  72. For instance, those of Germiyan, Aydın, and Menteşe; vide Cemal Kafadar, Between Two Worlds, pp. 122-138.
  73. Ibn al-Athīr, al-Kāmil, vol. 7, pp. 500-501; Ṭabarī's second version of ʿAmr's appointment, Ta'rīkh, vol. 10, p. 76. Gardīzī, Zayn al-Akhbār, p. 11: 'When ʿAmr sent the head of Rāfiʿ to Muʿtaḍid in the year [2]84/897 he requested from the Caliph that he send him the patent for Transoxiana, for that had been part of the dominion of Ṭāhir b. ʿAbdallāh."
  74. Bosworth, Ṣaffārids, p. 225.
  75. Al-Sallāmī is being a bit disingenuous here; as we have seen, Transoxiana had been an ap- panage of Khurāsān in the time of both Yaʿqūb and ʿAmr as well, until the caliph seems to have somewhat arbitrarily decided to end that custom in 271/884.
  76. Ibn Khallikān, Wafayāt al-aʿyān, vol. 5, p. 365. Cf. Jūzjānī, Ṭabaqāt-i Nāṣirī, p. 200: "Amr-i Layth sent the head of Rāfiʿ to the presence of the Caliph, and at this time the throne of the caliphate came to the Commander of the Faithful al-Muʿtaḍid bi'llāh, and Amr-i Layth [asked] from the caliph the governorship of Transoxiana, Khurāsān, Nīmrūz, Fārs, Kirmān and al-Ahwāz; the niqābat of the caliphal palace; and the shurṭa of Baghdad; and that they write the name of Amr upon the shields which the sarhangān in the caliphal pal- ace held, and mention his name in the khuṭba and [on] the coinage of Madīna and the Ḥijāz -all [this] he asked from the caliph and was promised, with many robes of honour and innumerable favours."
  77. Ṭabarī, Ta'rīkh, vol. 10, p. 67: "On the seventh day remaining of Muḥarram of [the year 285/898], there was read aloud to a group of the Khurāsānī pilgrims in the court of al- Muʿtaḍid [a statement] regarding the investiture of ʿAmr b. al-Layth with the governorship of Transoxiana, and the deposition of Ismāʿīl b. Aḥmad from it." 176 Ibn al-Faqīh al-Hamadhānī, Kitāb al-buldān, p. 312.
  78. Both of these descriptions probably derive from the same source, al-Sallāmī. While Ibn Khallikān quotes him by name, Gardīzī never makes clear what his sources are.
  79. Gardīzī, Zayn al-akhbār, p. 11. Needless to say, it is unclear how much -if any -of this tradition is historically accurate. However, it is significant that Gardīzī, the Sāmānid parti- san, portrays ʿAmr as engaging in such religious devotions, even in the midst of court ceremonial. The subsequent prophetic statement does seem a bit contrived; why would ʿAmr attempt something he knew to be impossible, given the fact that he did not have 100,000 men? Al-Muʿtaḍid, after he had ceased speaking [in his final illness], commanded Ṣāfī al- Khurramī, by signs of his head and hands, to kill ʿAmr b. al-Layth; he placed his hand on his neck and on his eye to signify that the one-eyed one should be killed -ʿAmr was one-eyed. But Ṣāfī did not carry this out, due to his knowledge that the death of al- Muʿtaḍid was near, and his repugnance for the killing of ʿAmr. When al-Muktafī reached Baghdad he asked the wazīr about [ʿAmr]. He replied: He lives; and [al- Muktafī] was glad about that, and he wished to be good towards him because [ʿAmr] used to give many presents to him when [the former] was in Rayy. But the wazīr hated this, so he sent to [ʿAmr] someone who killed him. 201
  80. Taʾrikh-i Sīstān, p. 262. Masʿūdī merely notes briefly: "al-Muʿtaḍid saw him." (Murūj al- dhahab, vol. 4, p. 302)
  81. Taʾrikh-i Sīstān, p. 262.
  82. Ṭabarī, Ta'rīkh, vol. 10, p. 88. Ibn al-Athīr in his first exposition of ʿAmr's death skirts the issue entirely by stating merely that ʿAmr was killed (al-Kāmil, vol. 7, p. 502).
  83. Ibn al-Athīr, al-Kāmil, vol. 7, p. 516, quoting almost exactly from Ṭabarī, Ta'rīkh, vol. 10, p. 86; also Ibn Khallikān, acknowledging Ṭabarī, Wafayāt al-aʿyān, vol. 5, pp. 368-369.
  84. For ʿAmr's building activities see e. g. al-Iṣṭakhrī, Kitāb masālik al-mamālik, p. 241; whereas in Zarang Yaʿqūb built only a minaret and a fortress (al-Muqaddasī, Aḥsan al-taqāsīm, p. 305), ʿAmr built a fortress, a treasury, and a market, not to mention a governor's palace [dār al-imāra] in Nīshāpūr (Iṣṭakhrī, , Kitāb masālik al-mamālik, p. 254). ʿAmr did, however, also build a border fortress [ribāṭ] on the frontier between Sīstān and al-Rukhkhaj, an ac- tivity more in line with what one would expect of a mutaṭawwiʿ ʿayyār (Iṣṭakhrī, ibid. p. 252), and a minbar in Nīshāpūr (al-Muqaddasī, ibid. p. 316).
  85. Ṭāhir actually started out from a fairly strong position -his commanders had no difficulty in ejecting the Caliph's representatives from Fārs the year after ʿAmr was captured (Ṭabarī, Ta'rīkh, vol. 10, p. 83).
  86. Tārīkh-i Sīstān, pp. 282-284. J. Walker, The Coinage of the Second Ṣaffārid Dynasty in Sīstān, New York, 1936, p. 22, #1; C. M. Fraehn, Numi Muhammedani qui in Academiae Imperialis scientarum Petropolitanae Museo Asiatico asservantur. Recensio Numorum Muhammedanorum, St. Petersburg, 1826, vol. I, Ṣaffārid #8.
  87. Tārīkh-i Sīstān, pp. 285-286. A very laconic mention of this is found in Ṭabarī, Ta'rīkh, vol. 10, p. 141 and in Ibn Khallikān, Wafayāt al-aʿyān, vol. 5, p. 371. According to Miskawayhi, Tajārib al-umam: The Eclipse of the ʿAbbāsid Caliphate, ed. and trans. H. F. Amedroz and D. S. Margoliouth, Oxford, 1920-1921, vol. 1, p. 16, they were sent into Baghdad in 297/909f. riding in a palanquin placed on a mule.
  88. On Subkarī's various numismatic activities vide D. Tor, "A Numismatic History," pp. 311- 313.
  89. Tārīkh-i Sīstān, p. 287. See also Ibn Khallikān, loc. cit. . , who, however, seems to conflate Muḥammad and al-Muʿaddal.
  90. Tārīkh-i Sīstān, p. 288. The coins also bear witness to this Ṣaffarid victory, since al-Layth recommenced minting in his name in the province: e,g, ANS 1966. 126. 3; Album Coin List 35:922; Tübingen EA4 D2; TU 92-25-5; TU 93-22-177; Baldwin Auctions 19: 325;
  91. Sotheby's London, May 29, 1987, #878; Spink Auction Catalogue March 17, 1987, lot #390; Album 89:213, and so forth; vide Tor, "A Numismatic History." 247 Tārīkh-i Sīstān, p. 297.
  92. Tārīkh-i Sīstān, p. 299. See also C. Edmund Bosworth and Gert Rispling, "An ʿayyār Coin From Sīstān," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 3rd Series, vol. 3, part 2, 1993, pp. 215-218.
  93. Tarīkh-i Sīstān, p. 299.
  94. Tārīkh-i Sīstān, p. 300.
  95. Vide Walker, Coinage, p. 14.
  96. Elsewhere, Ibn Khiḍrawayh is referred to as "the commander [sarhang]of the javānmardān and the sun of Khurāsān." 17 His connection to ʿayyārs appears in al- Qushayrī's chapter on futuwwa: I heard the Shaykh ʿAbd al-Raḥmān al-Sulamī, may God have mercy on him, saying: "Aḥmad b. Khiḍrawayh said to his wife Umm ʿAlī: 'I want to hold a convocation, to which I will invite a cunning ʿayyār [ʿayyār an shāṭir an ],' who was the leader of the fityān [ra'īs al-fityān] in their city. His wife said: 'You are not rightly guided, to invite the fityān. ' He replied: 'It is necessary. ' She said: 'If you do thus, kill sheep and cattle and don- keys, and lay them from the gate of the man's house to the gate of your house. ' He said: 'Regarding the sheep and the cattle, I know [why you have said this]. But why the donkeys?' She replied: 'Invite a fatā to your house, and at least there should be [some] good for the dogs of the quarter. '" 18
  97. Umm ʿAlī is obviously not enamored of fityān, who seem here to be explicitly equated with ʿayyārs. Her statement implies that nothing good will come of con- sorting with fityān unless one leaves some donkey meat for the dogs of the neighborhood to enjoy -then at least the dogs will have derived some benefit. Umm ʿAlī's attitude, however, should not blind us to the fact that Aḥmad b. Khiḍrawayh nevertheless obviously did consort with ʿayyārs and fityān; and, as we have seen from the preceding stories, Nūḥ, at least, was highly regarded relig- iously by other Sufis as well. Moreover, a different version of this precise story is repeated in the Kashf al-mahjūb -only there the guest is not an ʿayyār, and Aḥmad's wife states that the donkeys should be killed "Because when a noble comes as guest to the house of a noble all the inhabitants of the quarter should know about it." 19 Ibn Khiḍrawayh's connection is by no means a lone example: ʿayyārs fre- quently crop up in this kind of biographical literature regarding the whole pe- riod of the ninth-eleventh centuries. For instance, the following anecdote is in- serted into the biography of a mid-tenth century Sufi from Shīrāz: "Shaykh al- Islam said: "Once an ʿayyār said to a Sufi: 'The difference between us and you is this: That we do everything that we say [we will do], 20 whereas all that you medi- tate, and that comes to pass in your heart, you do. '" 21 Another such case of an ʿayyār cropping up in a Sufi biography occurs in the vita of one Transoxanian ʿālim, Abū Ḥāmid Aḥmad b. Muḥammad b. Nūḥ b. 17 al-Hujvīrī, Kashf al-maḥjūb, p. 149. Note that the military term sarhang is frequently used for ʿayyār leaders as well; vide supra, Chapter Three.
  98. 18 al-Qushayrī, al-Risāla al-Qushayriyya, pp. 302-303. As Hartmann notes ("Futuwwa und Ma- lāma," Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 72 (1918), p. 195), "The fact that the Fityān had a leader [Vorstand], presupposes at any rate a certain organization." 19 al-Hujvīrī, Kashf al-maḥjūb, p. 150.
  99. Cf. Farāmurz b. Khudādād, Samak-i ʿayyār, ed. P. Khānlarī, Tehran, 1347/1968, vol. 1, p. 46: "a man of valour [mardī] is one who speaks the truth and says [only] those things which he is capable of realizing." 21 al-Anṣārī, Ṭabaqāt al-ṣūfiyya, p. 423.
  100. Ṣāliḥ b. Sayyār al-Kamdādī (Kamdād is one of the villages of Bukhārā), which states: He transmitted from Abū Nuʿaym al-Astarābādī and the most venerable ones. He was qāḍī in Nasaf twice: the first time in the year 340/951f. , and the other in the year 399/1008f. [sic] after the destruction of Nasaf and the burning of its houses and castles and markets. [He arrived] one day with al-Ḥasan al-Banafghānī the ʿayyār. He died in Bukhārā in the year 391/1000f. [sic] 22
  101. Once again, then, we find a pious sufi closely consorting with an ʿayyār. Perhaps the most interesting such example is that found in the biography of one Sufi Ḥanbalite imām of the Sāmānid period, Abū'l-Muẓaffar al-Tirmidhī, be- cause it unites all three of the strands, Sufi, Traditionist and ʿayyār. Al-Tirmidhī, "Ḥanbalite imām" and "shaykh of his time," was said to have been "good in deeds [muʿāmalāt], asceticism [zuhd], chastity [waraʿ], and piety [taqwā]." 23 We are told that al-Tirmidhī's son, who spent his time in a ribāṭ on the eastern border, ... was a miracle worker [khudāvand-i karāmat] and an associate of Khiḍr. He was also one whose prayers are answered, and the teacher of Shaykh al-Islām. He had friends, all of whom were lords and masters of miracles [sādat u khudāvand-i kirāmat], such as Pīr-ī Pārsī, ʿAbd al-Malik Askāf, Bū al-Qāsim Hināna, Ḥasan Ṭabarī and ʿĀrif the ʿayyār and his pīr Shaykh al-Islām Bū Manṣūr Muḥammad b. ʿAlī al-Anṣārī, may God have mercy on them ... 24
  102. deal with loyalty and forbearance toward one's friends, and with generosity. 54 Another important ideal is truthfulness, 55 and helping the down and out. 56 As we shall see, these are all important ʿayyār virtues. One Nīshāpūrī Sufi, Abū Ḥafṣ ʿUmar b. Maslama al-Ḥaddād, who died in the 260s/870s, defines futuwwa as "the performance of justice [adā' al-inṣāf], [to- gether with] the renunciation of the demand for justice." 57 A version of this tra- dition (also attributed to Abū Ḥafṣ) exists in Persian as well: "Javānmardī consists of giving justice [inṣāf dādan] but not soliciting justice [for oneself]." 58 That is, a practitioner of futuwwa will mete out fairness to others but will not demand it for himself. Another anecdote relates how, when Abū Ḥafṣ was about to leave Baghdad, he was attended by "whomever was in [the city] of the shaykhs and the fityān," and they asked him to define futuwwa for them. He replies; "Futuwwa en- joins action and behaviour toward others, not speech." In the same context Abū Ḥafṣ is asked whether one can identify a fatā by any particular sign. He replies: "Yes! Whoever sees the fityān and is not ashamed before them by his character and his deeds, is a fatā." 59 This particular definition would seem to imply nobility of action and conduct. Abu Ḥafṣ is also quoted in another tradition stating that futuwwa means that one "weigh his deeds and affairs at all times by the Qurʾān and the Sunna." 60 Clearly, a religious dimension enters into this last definition. This same last source gives a whole page of definitions of futuwwa. Thus, at one point it quotes definitions, such as Muḥammad b. ʿAlī al-Tirmidhī's, which explain futuwwa as the equal treatment of all persons, regardless of social status: "Futuwwa is that the resident and the foreigner are equivalent in your eyes." In a similar vein, futuwwa is defined as practicing indiscriminate hospitality toward all, by not dis- tinguishing "between a holy man [walī] or an infidel [kāfir] eating at one's [house]." We are also treated to the Ḥanbalite understanding of futuwwa as the execution of one's duty despite personal pleasure or preferences: "I heard c Abd Al- lāh b. Aḥmad b. Ḥanbal say: My father was asked: 'What is futuwwa?' He replied: 'The leaving of what you love for what you fear. '" The famous Sufi Junayd defines futuwwa as "The cessation of wrong and the bestowing of generosity," while the almost equally famous al-Sahl b. c Abd Allāh defines the term as "Adherence to the 54 al -Sulamī, ibid. , pp. 6-17.
  103. Ibid. p. 13; cf. Samak-i ʿayyār, vol. 1, p. 65: "Know and be aware that in the world nothing is worth [so much as] the truth, and one must speak the truth anywhere [that one] may be, before [both] high and low, the wise and the foolish, and especially before the king, particularly because we may speak nothing but the truth, for our good name is bound up in javānmardī and we ourselves are javānmardān."
  104. Sulamī, ibid. , p. 17. 57 al-Qushayrī, Risāla, p. 60; al-Sulamī, Ṭabaqāt al-ṣūfiyya, p. 105.
  105. Mustawfī Qazvīnī, Ta'rīkh-i guzīda, p. 644. 59 al-Sulamī, Ṭabaqāt al-ṣūfiyya, p. 105. 60 al-Qushayrī, Risāla, p. 60.
  106. Kaeuper, Chivalry and Violence, p. 3.
  107. Bisson, Tormented Voices, pp. 64-65.
  108. Kaeuper, Chivalry and Violence, p. 8.
  109. Shihāb al-Dīn Aḥmad al-Tīfāshī, Nuzhat al-albāb fī-mā lā yūjadu fī-kitāb, ed. Jamāl Jumʿa, London, 1992, p. 288. Presumably the ʿayyārs did not think forcing a young male would violate their code of behaviour in the same way that comparable violence toward a woman would have done, assuming that the whole incident was not simply an invention of Tī- fāshī's lascivious imagination.
  110. On Ibn Rāʾiq vide Mottahedeh, "The ʿAbbāsid Caliphate in Iran," pp. 83-84.
  111. "Originally the term probably meant simply 'choice troops,' but it soon developed by us- age to mean police or security forces." Kennedy, Armies of the Caliphs, p. 13.
  112. Ṣūlī informs us (Kitāb al-awrāq, p. 220) that "the power of the ʿayyārūn grew stronger in Baghdad, and they took the people's garments from the mosques and roads, until Ibn Yazdād rode, took a group of them, and beat them with whips …" 62 Note that almost exactly one hundred years later, after the ʿayyārs have already been the cause of terrible sectarian violence and much ruin in Baghdad, we still find the authorities anxious to draft them into the police force (Ibn al-Jawzī, al-Muntaẓam, vol. 15, p. 231).
  113. Vide Mottahedeh, "The ʿAbbāsid Caliphate in Iran," p. 84.
  114. Shiʿite tradition held that ʿAlī b. Abī Ṭālib had prayed on that site in the year 37/657, on his way to the battle of Nahrawān (Le Strange, Baghdad During the ʿAbbasid Caliphate, p. 154). For Shiʿite faḍā'il of Barāthā see Muḥammad Bāqir al-Majlisī, Biḥār al-Anwār, Tehran, 1377/1957-, vol. 52, p. 218; and ʿAlī b. Mūsā b. Ṭāwūs, al-Malāḥim wa'l-fitan, Beirut, 1988, pp. 117-118.
  115. Lassner, The Topography of Baghdad in the Early Middle Ages, p. 97. See also Le Strange, loc. cit.
  116. In relation to the Imams, "wilāya ... means that God has bestowed upon the family of the Prophet special honour and qualities, thereby making them the ideal rulers, and that through their presence on earth His grace is disseminated." S. Husain M. Jafri, The Origins and Early Development of Shiʿa Islam, London, 1979, p. 180.
  117. Ibn al-Athīr, al-Kāmil, vol. 9, pp. 393-394; Ibn al-Jawzī, al-Muntaẓam, vol. 15, p. 198; ac- cording to Ibn Kathīr, al-Bidāya, vol. 12, p. 30, they broke his nose and dislocated his shoulder. Prayers were restored in this mosque only after a delegation of notables from al- Karkh, headed by the Sharīf al-Murtaḍā, had apologized to the Caliph and begged person- ally for the resumption of divine worship. The Sharīf al-Murtaḍā and his brother, the Sharīf al-Raḍī, were at this time the most prominent Shiʿi leaders; "As Naqībs of the ʿAlīds and as illustrious members of the Prophet's family these Sharīfs occupied a prominent rank in the ʿAbbāsid court. They threw in their lot with both the Caliphate ... and the Amirate of the Buyids and thus exercised a moderating influence in the state, which made it possible for the Sunni Caliphate and Shiʿi Amirate to work in collaboration, for which they in their turn won the goodwill of both. During the most serious days of Sunni-Shiʿi riots in Baghdad that characterised the entire Buyid period they co-operated with the ad- ministration in maintaining peace and amity. In the disputes between the Caliph and the 15 This is what J. von Hammer-Purgstall attempted to demonstrate in 1849 ("Sur la chevalerie des Arabes," passim).
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