Succession 1970 Election Fontes v Zdrojewski OSMTJ-OSMTH (original) (raw)
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The current state of research on issues specific to the topic of the article certainly does not-in my opinion-form a basis for a broad analysis of the essence of protection under criminal law or for a guarantee of the principle of the secret ballot in Polish electoral law. This is why, I have attempted to investigate this issue. Archival materials-policy documents and normative actsprovide a basis of sources for this article. An analysis of individual phenomena and events has been performed on their basis. The interpretation of the investigated source materials was made taking into account the socio-political conditions in which they were created. The article is complemented by the literature. The legal and empirical research was conducted using the following research techniques: observation, examination of documents and statistical compilations in setups suitable for the designated research purposes. It is the analysis of the norms of the electoral law by taking into account the instruments of criminal law that allows gradation of social consequences, given the scale of violations, their gravity and the impact on the outcome of the election and the subject-matter of criminal law regulations. Its scope affects the effective protection of electoral rights. I hope that this article will provide material for the assessment of knowledge and protection of electoral behaviour and its determinantsunder criminal law
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Election Procedure in the Republic of Dubrovnik
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The article traces the development of the electoral process in the Republic of Dubrovnik from the Middle Ages to the final reforms of the mid-eighteenth century. It analyses the procedure, from electoral preparations and nominations to balloting and election results, as well as the measures aimed at preventing electoral corruption. The Ragusan election system is compared to similar electoral patterns and models, proving that despite striking formal parallels, Ragusan electoral practice was essentially different from that of Venice.
Studia Politica, 2018
This article examines the most recent political events taking place in the Republic of Moldova, as well as the crisis resulting from the invalidation of the elections for the mayor of Chișinău. The political regime in Moldova can be considered as “electoral authoritarian”, due to the degradation of the quality of democracy after 2014. The response of Western chancelleries to the invalidation of the elections for the mayor of Chișinău came as a cold shower for the political establishment in Moldova. The European Commission, the European Parliament, the State Department of the United States, and noteworthy Western chancelleries sent an unprecedented message and announced that they would freeze granted loans. Western chancelleries decided to enforce this unprecedented measure because a red line was crossed when the results of the elections were annulled. With only several months to go until the Parliamentary elections take place in Moldova, the nullification of the vote for the mayor office of the capital city fuels a political tension, which has reigned for several years in Europe’s poorest country, a nation depopulating at a rate encountered only in conflict zones. Following Erevan and Tblisi, Chișinău could be the capital where the pressure applied by public protests generates major political change.
The Romanian parliamentary elections during the interwar period were highly animated, especially due to the countless methods and possibilities of vitiation of the results. Each political party had at its disposal such instruments and methods, but they were most effectively used by the governing party at the time, this being responsible for organizing the elections. We may witness a permanent governmental pressure (censorship, curfew, the use of the army, the police and the gendarmerie in order to prevent access to the ballot boxes for the opposition’s electors or to intimidate them or arrest the representatives of the opposition, the use of large quantities of alcohol to influence the voters, and so on). These methods created a remarkable fluctuation at given elections in the number of votes (and parliamentarians) of those governing parties that on other occasions fell into opposition. The most eloquent of such cases is that of the National Liberal Party, which in 1920 was in opposition. It had received 6.8 percent of the votes, but in 1922 it was called to power a couple of weeks before the elections and won 60.3 percent of the votes, plunging to 7.3 percent in 1926 only to rise once more to 61.7 percent and drop again to 6 percent in 1928. In such an electoral context it is very interesting to follow the behavior of the Hungarian electorate, which was, from a demographic perspective, the most important minority in Romania, also bearing an important economic role. By analyzing the minutes of the Central Electoral Commission in depth, we may conclude that in the counties inhabited by the Hungarian minority we are dealing with the most peaceful elections of the interwar period. The number of complaints and appeals is very low and there are numerous cases in which in certain counties we have no appeals over the elections, cases that are very “unusual” for Romania. The Hungarian electorate may be charged with one single case of violence, specifically the case of an event that occurred in Olteni, Háromszék (Trei-Scaune) County, during the parliamentary elections held on December 12, 1928. It is an isolated case, as mentioned earlier, and very surprising in the light of the fact that the elections of 1928 were considered by specialists to be the “cleanest” during the interwar period. This incident is also surprising because, according to analysis of the minutes of the Central Electoral Commission, the elections of 1928 were the most peaceful. As a conclusion we may say that the Hungarian electorate behaved in an exemplary manner during the interwar elections, but the circumstances in which these elections were held did not allow them to have a great chance of success. The National Hungarian Party participated in all interwar elections between 1922 and 1937, and it achieved fluctuating results.
THE NOMINATION OF CANDIDATES FOR DEPUTIES AS A RITUAL ELEMENT OF SOVIET OSTENSIBLE DEMOCRACY
The study deals with features of the procedure of the nomination of candidates for workers' deputies during the election campaigns to the Supreme Soviets of the USSR, the Ukrainian SSR, and local governments in the Ukrainian SSR of the postwar period. Legislative, organizational, and propaganda aspects of the process of running for power are analyzed. The procedure did not comply with constitutional norms, as, contrary to the Constitution, only one non-alternative candidate was nominated from each constituency, using non-legal buttons of their selection. Pre-election meetings were defi ned as one of the fundamental steps of the electoral process and as a ritual element of Soviet ostensible democracy. Pre-election events were controlled by party bodies, which neutralized the democratic principles of forming a representative branch of government and made it impossible to create a truly popular representation. The author defi nes the criteria that the authorities used for forming the deputy corps of diff erent levels and describes the ideal version of the Soviet representative of the people. Describing offi cials' diffi culties in nominating candidates for deputies to local councils, the author gives statistics and reasons for the rejection of nominees at this level at the election meeting. Diffi culties in the organization and conduct of the nomination procedure in the western regions of the Ukrainian SSR due to the prevalence of anti-Soviet sentiment in the region and the activities of the nationalist underground were noted. It has been observed that every year citizens showed a more and more indiff erent attitude to the elections due to the formality and politicization of the election procedure. Moreover, the parliamentary representation formed under party control did not correlate with society's political and social stratifi cation.