A Preface to an Inclusive African Electoral System Reform Agenda (original) (raw)
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Respublica Litereria, 1997
If large rural majorities in Africa are too poor to participate, too dispersed to organise, too remote from information to know alternatives, a multiparty democratic system with universal suffrage does not give them democratic influence. Not least the experience of fascist masses applauding irrational, violent and destructive policies brought philosophers to understand that democracy cannot work without a high level of information, knowledge and commitment to a wider public. Democracy requires considerable depth of opinion, a high level of political consciousness and responsibility in the population at large. Without it, no regular vote and no number of parties can guarantee democracy (Pausewang, 1994) It is very often asserted that election is a process that defines system and validates civic participation in statecraft; and, as such, it embodies the most significant institution of democracy. While this tenet of paramount importance is well understood by leaders of transitional regimes in Africa, creative leaders have used the moment of election to abuse human rights, undermining the very democratic value they seemingly claim to uphold. In this paper, the author, through systematic analysis, illustrates the potential role electoral institutions could play in sustaining democracy and provide insight in to the mechanics of civil society empowerment within the reach and ability of electoral organisations. It further develops a code of practice for electoral organisation on areas of organic networking as a regional political collateral to ensure that these organisations maintain a level of independence from encroachment by authorities and outsiders. This Keynote focuses on the Electoral Institutions in Southern Africa, the methodology and study protocol for developing a Code of Practice for Organic Networking. The problems stem from lack of programme focus and the closely related over-dependence on external finance and assistance. African electoral bodies lack of an appropriately staffed networking "nerve" centre; the absence of effective "in-house" network which coordinates their relations, represents their interests and advocate their positions on important national and regional issues, has hindered their ability to make collective demands on some important issues. Questions have been raised as to whether electoral bodies have so far been effective in building channels and media aimed at institutionalising empowerment of voters. While many proposals for remedial action have been formulated, real commitment to collaborative processes at the inter-organisational level has till now been limited. After undertaking an analytical perspective, the keynote proposes strategies for organic networking and a code of practice to share best practices among the electoral institutions of Southern Africa. The vision is to have gender equality demonstrated by women's participation and representation in decision-making of all state functions. Drawn from the vision, the mission is to achieve a 50/50 representation of women in all functions of the state (legislature, judiciary, and executive) and civic leadership. The empirical task in ensuring free and fair elections entails answering three electoral questions-electoral quantity, electoral quality and electoral meaning. But the main question that comes to mind is how could civil society empowerment and other democratic projects pursue their goals consistently in varying contexts, but do so without resorting to a self-defeating, overly scripted and stage-managed political "play"? The hallmark of a competitive election is that it creates uncertainty about who will hold power in its aftermath. Precisely because multiparty elections threaten incumbents with the potential loss of their power, they generate strong incentives for current office-holders to exploit available resources to prevent their replacement by challengers. Key words: elections, electoral institutions, gender, rules, institutions, delimitation of constituencies, plurality and majority systems, proportional representation systems, mixed electoral systems, paragons of democracy
Lessons from Electoral Management and Processes in West Africa
2014
This paper is based on case studies from six West African countries (Republic of Benin, Cape Verde, Ghana, Nigeria, Senegal and Sierra Leone). It points out key historical and material forces that helped frame and shape the electoral management and processes of these countries. These are: the state as a site for zero-sum politics; the progressive violation of the principle of isolation of administration from politics; and the combination of political and legal influences that help foster a culture of impunity. In reviewing national debates over strengthening electoral management and processes against the background of political reforms aimed at the democratic management of diversity, the paper focuses on five main challenges. These are, respectively: the preferred model of electoral management bodies (EMBs); the cost of elections; electoral dispute adjudication; EMBs’ partnerships with state and non-state stakeholders; and presidential term limits. The trend is towards adopting one ...
The causes and consequences of electoral administrative reform in Africa
2013
that could not have been possible without the support and encouragement of family, friends and colleagues. While it would be difficult to mention everyone, I would like to briefly acknowledge those who were pivotal in the process. The chair of my doctoral dissertation, Michael Bratton, was a tireless supporter of the project since its inception. Not only was he convinced that my crazy idea of conducting fieldwork in four countries was doable but at every step of the process, he provided instructive comments on my work, invaluable advice and encouragement that made all the difference especially at times when I found myself on the verge of throwing in the towel. I am equally indebted to Eric Chang, Rita Edozie and Thomas Hammond who served as members of the dissertation committee provided constructive feedback and vital mentorship. I appreciatively acknowledge the support of other members of the MSU community. These include the faculty and staff within the Political Science Department, such as Carolyn Logan (and the Afrobarometer), Jeffery Conroy-Krutz, Steve Kautz, Karen Battin, Rhonda Burns and Sarah Krause. I was fortunate to have been surrounded by fellow graduate studentsTwyla
E-Bangi Journal of the Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia (UKM), Bangi, Selangor, 2019
Election as a selection process for those that will represent the interest of the masses, need to be free, fair and credible. For an election to be credible, free and fair in which its result would be accepted by all, actors/stakeholders of the electoral process need to vigorously discharge their respective duties and obligation in the exercise. Evidence from the previous researches proved that Africa is having issues to conduct credible election. This study discovers that for Africa to have a credible election, players involved in the electoral process (such as the electoral bodies, the civil society, the judiciary, political parties, the mass media, and even the masses who are the electorates) are to be adequately cultured, orientated and given awareness on the beauty in discharging their role towards selection process of their leaders. Despitethe fact that, the voting behaviour of masses during an election tell more about the success of the system, but the actors or stakeholders involved in the electoral process can influence the level of voters' turnout in an election, by given the electorates regular orientation and awareness on the electoral system in the society. The study makes use of Morality-Implicit Theory to explain how the electoral process can be free and fair, if the actors involved in the process imbibed moral value and transparency in discharging their duties to the system without fear or favour. This study therefore is a qualitative in nature that employs the use of secondary source of data to explain the mechanism towards free, fair and credible election in Africa.
Electoral Reform and Strengthening Democracy: A Cross-country Discussion
Written with Kenyan MP Musikari Kombo, this article discusses how Proportional Representation features can improve governance in Africa and Canada. It draws particularly on the experience of Senegal and Kenya -- and shows how PR can improve policy accountability, increase the role of women and achieve greater electoral participation.
The future of elections in Africa: Critical Issues and Perspectives
2018
The centrality of elections in democracy has been overemphasized. Huntington asserts that the institutionalization of elections is a sufficient step to bring and consolidate democracy. He argues that elections are not only the life of democracy but also the death of dictatorship. However, since the inauguration of democratization in 1990s, African countries have failed to sustain credible democratic institutions. Elections have remained a safety valve to legitimize authoritarian regimes. This article revisits how elections are managed in order to understand the trust of results and outcome. In specific terms, it focuses on four interrelated issues, that is, the independence of electoral management bodies, electoral fraud, boycotting elections and electoral violence.
The Need and Impact of Reforming the Ethiopian Electoral System
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your commitment, invaluable comments and suggestions I doubt this thesis would have been realized. Hence, I appreciatively acknowledge your contribution. My thanks also stretch to my priceless friends and my family who have been my strength through their support all the time. Even though I can't enumerate your name here, I am indebted to all who have assisted me in conducting this research. This work is the result of you all.
REFORMING GHANA'S ELECTORAL SYSTEM
Nana Kwaku Duodu, 2016
Electoral reforms are public desires and expectations to bring about changes and improvement in the electoral system. Electoral system is therefore the institutions and structures that operate within the parameters of the political system that lead to the conduct of national elections where votes translate into seats and representation. Key variables centre on the electoral formulae such as plurality, majoritarian, proportional representation and mixed proportional representation (International IDEA:5). Electoral reforms in Ghana are not a recent phenomenon but progressive over the years to address challenging areas in the electoral system. They occur alongside political reforms as a result of the friendly partnership between the electoral system and the political system. The symbiotic theory of electoral reforms attests to this assertion with much investigative work to be done and emphasize the connection between the two giants of democracy or refute on the basis of no significance connection in established and emerging democracies. The methodology used is analysis of quantitative and qualitative data and information to attain project objectives, conclusions and recommendations. It reveals that the electoral system is not static but flexible, adaptive and innovative to ensure consistent improvements in the work of the Election Management Body and Stakeholders. Its rich literature review provides a broad spectrum of ideas and information to reflect the various research variables that have been carefully selected to provide great insight into the reform areas. Consequently, the research study provide a wide variety of recommendations that has near and future electoral reforms in Ghana when prevailing conditions necessitates their implementation.