Recent Trends of Marriage in Iran (original) (raw)
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Temporary Marriage: Attitude and Tendency in Iran
Journal of Divorce & Remarriage, 2012
This study introduces temporary marriage (Siqa) and evaluates and investigates peoples' attitudes and tendencies toward it. Participants were 395 residents of Tehran. An attitude questionnaire was used to collect data. Descriptive results of the study showed that there was at least one case of temporary marriage in the families or relatives of the study population. Participants considered the following as the most important obstacles to temporary marriage in Iran: culture, family objections, logical objections, and permanent wife's objection. The comparison between the different groups showed that men, single people, employed people, and people with a history of temporary marriage in their family have a tendency toward temporary marriage. Although 25% of the study population was inclined to temporary marriage, its prevalence in society is about 9%. The main reason for its underdevelopment is the societal obstacles, expecially culture and family. KEYWORDS attitude, Iran, marriage, temporary marriage, tendency Family plays an important role in Islamic societies, and marriage is the core of it (Dhami & Sheikh, 2000). Permanent marriage as the foundation of family and the most important event in a person's life has always been recognized by the public and researchers. Marriage, along with all its preparatory and preliminary ceremonies, is one of the most important social, cultural,
Intent, attitudes, expectations, and purposes of marriage in Iran: a mixed methods study
Current Psychology, 2019
Significant sociocultural shifts in Iran have led to profound transformations in marriage (Kazemi-pour 2009). The aims of this study were to a) examine Iranian adults' intentions to marry as well as their attitudes and expectations related to marriage; b) make comparisons based on participants' gender, age, and education; and c) explore the purposes of marriage. There were 858 participants (59% females and 41% males) in the age range of 18 to 42 years. They completed a) demographic items, b) the Marital Scales, which assess marriage intent, attitudes, and expectations, and c) a semi-structured interview on their intent and purposes of marriage. The results revealed that 96% of the participants intended to marry and significant gender, age, and educational differences were found. The three main purposes of marriage were emotional, religious, and sexual, respectively. These results have important implications for practitioners, particularly those who specialize in premarital counseling. Keywords Intent to marry. Iran. Marital expectations. Marriage. Marital attitudes. Purposes of marriage Marriage is considered the starting point of the family life cycle (Manap et al. 2013). Like any social practice, its norms vary by community and time period (Kazemi-pour 2009). Global societal trends demonstrate that perspectives of marriage have evolved. For example, whereas people previously married for social, political, and economic reasons, they now marry for love and personal satisfaction (Campbell et al. 2012; Coontz 2005), The importance of these perspectives towards marriage in marital behavior has been thoroughly documented in Western society (e.g., Grant 2000; Park and Rosén 2013; Riggio and Weiser 2008). For example, negative attitudes towards marriage relate to greater conflict, less satisfaction, less commitment to current relationships, higher desirability of alternative relationships, and lower expectations of relationship success (Riggio and Weiser 2008). Despite the importance of perspectives towards marriage and the essential role of culture in relationships (Crissey 2005), minimal researchers have explored this topic in non-Western countries such as Iran. To support optimal marriages in Iran, there is a need to understand perspectives towards marriage. Further exploration of Iran can add to the literature by providing the opportunity to understand views towards marriage in a theocracy with contemporary trends such as increased divorce rates (Karimi 2011) as well as examine gender differences in a patriarchal culture. These issues are discussed below. Contemporary Trends of Marriage in Iran Marriage in Iran is linked to the Islamic religion. Iran is considered an Islamic society and officially became a theocracy (i.e., Islamic Republic) in 1979 (Ahmadi et al. 2012a; Public Broadcasting Service 2014). In Islam, marriage is a sacred relationship that perfects one's religion. Muslims believe marriage can protect against damnation (Manap et al. 2013). Research confirms its importance for Iranians (Abbasi-Shavazi et al. 2012; Abbasi-Shavazi and Sadeghi 2005). Heterosexual marriage remains the only legally and culturally accepted way to form a family in Iran (Rostami 2013). Islamic values define acceptable social interactions between genders
The Nexus Between Temporary Marriage and Early Child Marriage in Iran
Journal of Survey in Fisheries Sciences , 2023
This study is a step towards gaining a deeper understanding of the phenomenon of temporary marriage (‘TM’) and its role in promoting early child marriage (‘ECM’) in Iran. This article reveals that traditional families wish to control sexual behaviour and avoid social pressures; for example, when parents disapprove of mixed gatherings of youth and so decide to make these boys and girls mahram to one another through TM. The following article reveals that, while on the one hand TM plays a role in legalising illicit relationships, on the other hand it facilitates ECM in Iran. The article emphasises that ECM is not only a by-product of temporary marriage, but also a discourse that stigmatises the younger generation in various ways. While religion is a contributory factor to TM and ECM, ECM is more about control and power in an environment where a patriarchal society and a masculine culture dictate to the vulnerable segments of the population. Due to the cultural and religious sensitivity of the research topic and the difficulty of reaching samples, probability sampling has been used. Theoretical saturation and data saturation were achieved after some nterviews. More interviews were conducted, however, to make the results more reliable. 35% interviewees were men and 65% were women. Data were collected using free and in-depth interview techniques. Major categories, sub-categories and concepts were identified by implementing open coding, and simultaneously with data collection.
A House on Water - A Comprehensive Study on Sigheh Mahramiat and Temporary Marriage in Iran
Ayabuf publishing, 2021
Religious and customary norms define relations between men and women and their relationships in Iran, and the relationship of the couple is considered illegitimate and criminal except in the form of permanent and temporary marriage. Harsh economic conditions such as stagnation and unemployment on the one hand, and the emergence of modernity and normative-value changes on the other hand, have however led young people to live together without formal marriage. This ‘white marriage’ has changed Iranian society in recent years and now it is a rational solution to meet their personal and social needs, since they do not then have the legal and social responsibilities and economic burden of formal marriage. This phenomenon is more prevalent among educated and post graduate young people who have migrated to metropolitan areas for work and education. The Iranian authorities have not thoroughly studied this social phenomenon because of religious and cultural sensitivities. The information and data arising from the present study were collected using in-depth interview techniques (Grand Theory / GT). Factors examined included the changing life styles and views about marriage of young people, their right to choose their own futures and their right to bodily autonomy. In this first time study, problems and limitations of permanent marriage for women, the economic bottlenecks, the lack of proper employment and the avoidance of religion are the most important reasons which emerge from the research as facilitating the continuation of white or homosexual marriage. After a comprehensive review of the social and legal foundations of white marriage, this research analyses the affected factors and their implications. Strategies have also been proposed for effective steps to reduce the negative consequences of this social phenomenon, as well as raising public awareness about it. This book, like other recent reports by Kameel Ahmady, all linked by common themes, continues to develop previous research on the topics of temporary marriage. This research is published under the title Home with Open Door: research on white marriage in Iran. For the first time in Iran it will reveal the hidden and wide-angle aspects of this phenomenon at macro level, with an emphasis on the Tehran, Mashhad and Isfahan metropolitan areas.
A house on water; a comprehensive research on temporary marriage in Iran
I realized that early marriage could pave the way for emotional and physical harms to children, in particular girls. The consequences include child widows, poor education, continued cycle of poverty and moral degradation. Thus, I embarked on a comprehensive research on early marriage. In doing so, I realized that a religious tradition called sighe is the main factor behind child marriage and violation of women’s rights in Iran. Based on Article 1075 and Article 1076 of Iran’s Civil Code, Muta’h or temporary marriage is a marriage for a fixed period of time and a fixed Mehr . But what is worth pondering is that the law is silent when it comes to many issues pertaining to temporary marriage such as inheritance, annulment and alimony. This very legal gap contributes to the violation of women’s rights in temporary marriages. Moreover, some children get married in the form of sighe and as a result, child marriage is facilitated while its most important consequence is school dropout, especially among girls. Legal gaps and the opportunities which arise as a result of abuse and pleasure-seeking through what can be called the “pleasure-dealers” have made the opponents of temporary marriage coming up with the term “a legitimate cover”. The proponents, though, consider temporary marriage a contributing factor to the health of the society. This study tries to explore temporary marriage and sighe far from bias, observing the principle of impartiality in an academic and comprehensive manner. The study includes four chapters: Chapter 1: General Outline; Chapter2: Historical-religious and Socio-legal background of sighe; Chapter 3: Field findings; Chapter 4: Conclusion and suggestions. Moreover, the causes and consequences of temporary marriage/sigh are elaborated academically and based on the various legal, social and psychological consequences, suggestions are made to executive entities and lawmakers who by applying them may succeed in regulating the intuition of temporary marriage.
Marriage Postponement in Iran: Accounting for Socio-economic and Cultural Change in Time and Space
Population, Space and Place, 2013
The mean age at marriage of Iranian women increased by three years between the mid-1980s and 2000 during a period of great socioeconomic change, particularly affecting the 1971-1975 and 1976-1980 birth cohorts. This paper analyses the marriage timing and life course experience of these cohorts of women and highlights the contribution that ethnicity and changes in the socioeconomic context made to the sharp marriage delay experienced by the 1976-1980 birth cohort. A discrete time hazard model is applied to the 2000 Iran Demographic and Health Survey data, which are linked to a range of time-varying district-level contextual variables created from the 1986 and 1996 Iranian censuses. The findings suggest that the marriage postponement experienced by the younger birth cohort is related to improvements in women's education and can partly be explained by the increased opportunity costs of marriage, which resulted from limited access to education after marriage. The findings also suggest that differences in marriage timing between areas predominated by certain ethnic groups became less evident for the younger birth cohort.
Early Marriage in Iran: A Pragmatic Approach
Journal of Human Rights Practice
The international human rights system has identified any marriage before the age of 18 as forced marriage or a harmful traditional practice which should be eradicated mainly through legal reform. In many legal systems, the minimum age of marriage is still below 18. In Iran, girls can marry at the age of 13 and boys at the age of 15. Thus, the issue of early marriage has been a point of struggle between the international human rights system and Iran. What is lost in these mainly legal debates is the reality of early marriage. Those who advocate for the eradication of early marriage present a singular perception of such marriage as forced and harmful, while those who oppose the international approach in Iran merely focus on the Islamic roots of the current legislation. In practice, marriage is a complicated social construct. To address early marriage, one should analyse different causes and contexts that influence this institution and determine whether the negative consequences apply ...
Ethnic differences in transition to first marriage in Iran
Demographic Research, 2010
This paper, using data from the 2000 Iran Demographic and Health Survey and a range of time-varying district-level contextual information derived from the 1986 and 1996 censuses of Iran, applies a discrete time hazard model to study ethnic differences in women's transition to first marriage. The model specification accounts for both spatial and temporal changes in the socioeconomic context of transition to marriage. We found ethnic-specific responses on women's marriage timing to changes in the socioeconomic context between the mid 1970s and 2000. Some ethnic groups appear to be more resistant to change despite sharing similar changes in their socioeconomic context.
Demographic Research, 2010
This paper, using data from the 2000 Iran Demographic and Health Survey and a range of time-varying district-level contextual information derived from the 1986 and 1996 censuses of Iran, applies a discrete time hazard model to study ethnic differences in women's transition to first marriage. The model specification accounts for both spatial and temporal changes in the socioeconomic context of transition to marriage. We found ethnic-specific responses on women's marriage timing to changes in the socioeconomic context between the mid 1970s and 2000. Some ethnic groups appear to be more resistant to change despite sharing similar changes in their socioeconomic context.